It was a hot summer day in northern Mesopotamia. The clamouring of tools echoed
between the slopes of a narrow valley in front of the walls of Dara,
as engineers shouted orders, knowing that the battlements
must be finished before dark. From a hill top overlooking the city, Flavius Belisarius was conducting these hasty defensive preparations, aware that he will soon have
to confront a much larger army, that had just crossed the border
into Roman territory. The Persians are coming…! It has been 25 years since the last vestiges
of the Western Roman Empire crumbled, with its’ imperial legacy and tradition passing
onto the Eastern Roman Empire, also known as the Byzantine Empire. The overall ambition of early Byzantine emperors
was to restore the old Roman empire, but in the early 6th century, the country’s geopolitics
would be shaped mainly in relation to their perennial enemy in the east,
the powerful Sassanian Empire. After the Anastasian war, peace lasted for
nearly twenty years, but after centuries of repeated long and costly wars, mutual distrust
persisted between the two superpowers, and preparations for the next looming conflict
began as soon as the previous war ended. The Byzantine Empire didn’t have the military
power and resources of the old Roman Empire, but was very formidable defensively. In contrast, the Sassanians dominated pitched
battles with their superior cavalry, but lacked the shock infantry,
siege equipment and specialists, to break through the chain of Byzantine fortifications into the Anatolian interior. From Constantinople, two capable rulers oversaw
a continued economic and political strengthening of the empire during this period. Anastasius I, heeded the advice of his generals
and strengthened the porous eastern border. Here, on the flat plain between the deserts
in the south and the mountains in the north, Byzantine armies fared badly during the Anastasian
war, due to the lack of a major base in the area that would serve as a rallying point
for offensive and defensive operations. This meant that the troops had to march long
distances from strongholds further west, in order to reach the border. In contrast, the Sassanians used the fortified
city of Nisibis, a former Roman stronghold that was ceded to Persia nearly two centuries
prior, to launch attacks deep into Byzantine territory and then return to the safety of the city walls
to gather their strength and resupply. To counter this, the Emperor ordered the building
of a heavily fortified city of Dara. Masons and workers,
gathered from across Mesopotamia, worked with great haste
to complete the 20m high walls, three story towers, the citadel,
large storehouses and barracks, a public bath and water cisterns, along with a canal that
diverted a local river to ensure the city had ample water supply. Dara would be a refuge for Byzantine armies,
where the troops could rest, prepare their weapons,
and guard the entrance into Syria. But, Anastasius’ domestic policies were perhaps
of greater significance. He improved the Empire’s monetary system
and issued a new form of currency in gold, silver and, more importantly, copper coins,
finally ending the inflation that prevailed for almost 200 years, since the times of Constantine
the Great, thereby greatly enriching the lower classes who were the ones that mostly used
copper coins in their daily lives and business. The tax code was reformed
to close loopholes exploited by the rich, and tax collecting responsibilities were
taken from powerful local senators and assigned to select agents
of the praetorian prefect. He stimulated trade and industry by lowering
taxes paid by the urban classes, and greatly curbed reckless
government spending and corruption. By the time of his death in 518 AD, Anastasius’
focus on fiscal policies stabilized and vastly enriched the country internally,
increasing the Imperial treasury and leaving a sizeable budget surplus. Justin I, who was in his late 60’s
when he took power, continued the consolidation of the Empire. He kept Anastasius’ economic policies,
further enriching the treasury, and resumed the commitment
of maintaining armies in the East. On the diplomatic front, he secretly cultivated
client states on the borders of the Empire, trying to gain an advantage over Persia by
creating buffer zones and staging points for possible future proxy wars. In Arabia, Justin supported the successful
Aksumian invasion of the Himerites, in effect wresting control of this strategically important
kingdom from the Sassanians, gaining access to valuable trade routes
for frankincense and myrrh. To the north, the Byzantine Emperor meddled
in the predominantly Christian Iberia, encouraging various influential bishops to start an insurrection against the Sassanians. In addition, he fostered Byzantine influence
over the kingdom of Lazica, by personally awarding its' king the insignia and robes of kingship, and arranged for him to marry a Byzantine noblewoman, all of which increased
the king's legitimacy in the eyes of the local nobility. In exchange, Justin demanded the king's conversion
to Christianity and the stationing of Byzantine garrisons in Lazica, aiming to reduce Sassanian
influence. But while Justin quietly formed these alliances,
he continued the rational policy of paying subsidies to Persia in exchange for peace,
for this was cheaper than funding expensive wars. Instrumental in enforcing these subsidies
was the formidable Sasanian King of Kings, Kavad I. He impressed upon the Byzantines that an invasion
from the east by the Hephthalites, sometimes called the "White Huns", posed a grave danger to Persia and, if not stopped, it would be only a matter of time
before they reached Byzantine lands. Kavad exploited the fact that the memories
of the Hunnic invasions in Europe were still fresh, successfully persuading Constantinople
to pay the Sassanians for keeping the Hephthalites in check, warning that if payments weren't
forthcoming, Persian armies would raid Byzantine lands and use the plunder to fund the struggle
against the nomads in the east. This bit of shrewd diplomacy was a show of brilliance Kavad often displayed throughout his reign. Despite inheriting a declining empire, he
reorganized the state, laying the foundation for Iranians to re-establish themselves as
a superpower, by introducing many political, economic, social, and military reforms, that
restored the empire’s territories in the east, and curbed the power and corruption of
the nobility and clergy, and he used Persia’s position along the major trade routes to exert
pressure on the Byzantines, effectively establishing a trading monopoly in the region. But, the implementation of his reforms inevitably
took time and would only be fully completed by his son and successor, Khosrow I. Kavad correctly saw potential in his young
son and greatly preferred him over his other sons. But, Khosrow was just 12 years old and the priority
of the Persian king was to secure the boy’s succession, aware that his position and life
were threatened by his 3 older sons, each of whom was backed
by powerful noble factions. To protect the young prince Kavad approached
Justin, asking him to formally adopt Khosrow. The Byzantine Emperor was open to the idea
but, being childless himself, he was aware that an adopted Sassanian prince would have a claim on the throne in Constantinople, and he offered adoption
according to barbarian custom. This deeply offended Kavad… With the breakdown of negotiations,
a series of proxy wars ignited… To the south, the Byzantines now openly supported
the Aksumites, providing ships that would transport troops to Yemen, seeking to expand Christian influence
and access the spice and silk trade to India. In northern Arabia, Lakhmids raided Byzantine
territories on the edge of the desert, supported by the Persians. In Iberia, Kavad sent troops to crush
the religious insurrection and force the Christian population
to convert to Zoroastrianism. The Iberian king fled to Lazica and soon received
support from Justin, who recruited Huns from the north of the Caucasus to assist the Iberians. The Sassanians attempted
to regain control over Lazica, but were beaten back by Byzantine
troops stationed there. By now Justin was an old man, and he ceded
control of the Empire to his capable nephew Justinian I, who officially ascended the throne
a few months later after Justin had died… With the onset of Justinian’s reign, open
conflict broke out in the Transcaucasus region and northern Mesopotamia,
with the Persians maintaining the initiative. In 527, the revolt in Iberia had been crushed, and a Byzantine offensive on
Nisibis and Thebetha was defeated, while Persian attacks prevented
the Byzantines from fortifying Thannuris and Melabasa, another two key points along the
border. A year later, Sassanian armies again tried
to press into Lazica, this time capturing several fortresses in the eastern part of
the kingdom. Hard pressed along the entire border, Justinian
tried to remedy the situation by dividing the command in the east, with Sittas placed
in charge of the northern front in Armenia and Belisarius spearheaded the important expedition
on the southern front, to protect the construction of a border-fort at Thannuris. But his forces were defeated by Xerxes,
one of Kavad’s sons, and he had to retreat back to Dara. The Sassanians, however, suffered heavy losses,
with 500 Immortals falling in battle. This enraged Kavad, who stripped Xerxes of
command and imprisoned him. In 529, further Lakhmidian raids devastated
parts of Syria, which prompted Justinian to strengthen his own Arab allies, assisting
the loose coalition of Ghassanid tribes to form a coherent kingdom
that would put pressure on the Lakhmids. With the Byzantines on the back foot, Kavad
tasked his main army in the south to march on Dara, aiming to deal a killing blow to
Justinian’s forces in Syria… A day after leaving Nisibis, the Sassanian army
reached the outskirts of Dara. Observing the Byzantine battle order, it was
obvious to Firouz that his army was the superior one. But, seeing that Belisarius took up position
in a narrow gap, he knew that he would either have to force the Byzantines back into the
city and besiege them, or draw them out into the open. Firouz had 40,000 troops under his command. Some 15,000 infantry were made up of levied
troops of poor training and little fighting ability while another 5,000 were heavy infantry
mercenaries, similar to the old Roman legionaries. His 20,000 heavy cavalry in lamellar armor
fought as cataphracts, possessing the ability to shoot from horseback and deal some of the
most devastating frontal charges of their time. Lined up across the field, Belisarius rejected the idea of being besieged inside the walls of Dara, and made preparations for a pitched
battle in front of the city. However… he faced two major problems. With 25,000 men at his disposal, he was significantly
outnumbered inferior and most of his troops were
inferior to their Persian counterparts. 15,000 cavalry was his main force, divided
between the two wings. Although experienced, most were outclassed
by the Persian cataphracts, with his only crack mounted units being the 1200 Huns in the inclined center, and the 1500 bucellarii, serving as his most trusted, personal elite
regiment of mounted retainers, held in reserve. His infantry numbered 10,000 troops, and were
generally of poor quality, composed of frontier garrison troops, provincial forces, survivors
from prior battles and men that were hastily recruited from the countryside, some of whom
had to be given basic archery training in the days before the battle to compensate for
the low number of archers. Morale of the infantry was low due to continuous
setbacks and defeats suffered against the Persians along the entire front, and Belisarius
knew that if they were faced with a full blown Sassanian cavalry charge,
they would not hold for long. To offset his army’s deficiencies,
the Byzantine commander had a long line of ditches dug
along the entire line. The ditch was too wide for cavalry to jump
over, designed to slow down the charge of the dangerous Persian cavalry, and multiple narrow crossings were created to serve as chokepoints. The infantry trench was positioned further
back to protect the unreliable footmen, where they could be supported by missile troops stationed on the city walls. With the Byzantines firmly entrenched, it
was up to the Sassanians to make the first move... Most of the day passed with no action, but
towards the late afternoon, elements of the Persian right wing
advanced towards the enemy at a steady pace. It is unclear if the cavalry officers wanted
to test the resolve of what they perceived to be an inferior foe, or if Firouz gave the
order for a probing attack, but the charging cavalry soon closed in. After a short clash, Belisarius’ cavalry
fell back, with the Persians in hot pursuit. Then came the signal for the archers! Soon after, the Byzantines wheeled about to
face the pursuers. Caught by a feigned retreat and counterattack, the Sassanians retreated back to their own lines, trying in turn to lure the Byzantines
into giving chase. But Belisarius kept his men
from going beyond the trenches. Realizing that he will have to grind down
the enemy, Firouz sent word to request reinforcements. Seeking to galvanize the troops, a Persian
champion marched out from the line, challenging anyone in the
Byzantine army to single combat. A young man by the name of Andreas who was
an attendant of one of the Byzantine officers, and had been training with Belisarius’ bodyguards,
accepted the challenge. In several seconds the duel was over, with
Andreas walking back to his position to the cheers of the troops. But half way back to his line,
a second Persian stepped forward. Unbidden, Andreas again obliged the challenger. Not long after, the fight was over. Winning in single combat for a second time,
Andreas returned to his line a hero. By next morning, Firouz’s reinforcement
arrived from Nisibis. Much of the 2nd day of the battle passed in
negotiations between the two commanders. It seemed that both were trying to reach a
peaceful resolution, although it is quite possible that Firouz was trying to buy time
until all of his reinforcements arrived. As the day progressed, it became apparent
that the flowery language of diplomacy will accomplish nothing. Finally, Firouz wrote to Belisarius, telling
him to “prepare a bath” for him in Dara, so he could relax after his coming victory. Negotiations were over… By the 3rd day, Firouz received 10,000 reinforcements,
including several thousand of the feared Immortals, bringing his force up to 50,000, a 2:1 numerical
advantage over the Byzantines. Emboldened, he resolved to attack. His plan was to utilize his superior cavalry
to overwhelm the Byzantine flanks and then double envelop the static center. Suspecting that Belisarius would strengthen
his left flank after yesterday’s skirmishing, Firouz sent the Immortals to join the attack
on the now weakened Byzantine right flank. Archers moved forward, with orders to keep
the opposing projectile troops occupied during the cavalry charge. Persian infantry remained largely static,
but moved slightly up the field, lagging behind the archers. When the two lines came into range of one
another, the battle began with a heavy exchange of projectiles. The Persians maintained a heavier volume of projectiles, but a strong wind blew against them, largely negating their superiority in
archery. Firouz ordered his cavalry not to charge at
full gallop, but to approach the enemy at a steady pace, knowing that the trenches will
break up the momentum of the attack. As the wall of armored cavalry methodically
approached the trenches, Byzantine troops stood with bated breath. Looking to his left, Belisarius could see
the frantic struggle. Riders impaled on spears and struck down from
their horses, as the Persians advanced in full force. Pressed too heavily, the Byzantines could
not disengage and they were slowly being pushed back. Meanwhile, the main Sassanian assault on Belisarius’
right broke through several sections of the trench. Firouz’s reserves, the elite mounted Immortals,
with their riders and horses clad in armor, were grinding down everything in front of
them. Seeing that his right is hard pressed, Belisarius
sent the Huns from his center-right to charge the Persian inner flank,
hoping to slow down their advance. On the left, however, was where the Byzantine
commander set a trap for the Persians! He signalled a contingent of several hundred
cavalry, until now hidden in the trees on the hillside, to charge the Sassanians and
sent the Huns from his center-left to attack from the other side. The reason Belisarius set an ambush on his
left was that he thought that the main Persian thrust would come there. But now, with his other flank collapsing,
he hurriedly turned and led his own elite reserves to aid the troops on the right, who
were by now in a fight for their life. Having suffered heavy losses, some of the
contingents held their ground, while others were near breaking point. Desperate to get there in time, Belisarius
galloped straight for the Persian inner flank! The momentum of the charge
split through the enemy line, with some of the Sassanian contingents in the front continuing to hack their way forward, while those further back were now
interlocked with Belisarius’ retinue. Across the field, Firouz’s attack was now
dead in its’ tracks. With his forces on the Byzantine left almost
entirely surrounded, communications were severely impacted
and the chain of command was collapsing. Sassanian officers found it increasingly difficult
to control the men. Before long, panic set in, and the Persian
right flank fled in disarray, leaving some 3000 dead on the field. Some of the Byzantine units turned to help
the other flank, so the pursuit of the retreating horsemen was brief, as the Byzantines stuck
to their commander’s plan to keep the position on the edge of the trenches. On the right, Belisarius’ flanking attack
finally stopped the Persian heavy cavalry juggernaut. During the bitter struggle, the Persian second-in-command was struck down, together with his standard bearer, causing the Sassanians to quickly
lose heart. Many could not break out and were
slaughtered then and there, while others manage to find their way
back to the main line. Belisarius again restricted his troops from
pursuing the enemy. Despite achieving a stunning victory, he knew
that the Persians still outnumbered his army, thus it would’ve likely been a bloody fight
to get into the Sassanian camp to loot it. Byzantine casualties weren’t recorded, but could not have been much less
than 5,000 dead or wounded. The Persians, on the other hand, suffered
up to 10,000 casualties. In spite of being outnumbered 2:1, Belisarius’
tactical master class secured one of the rare victories in a pitched battle for the Byzantines
against the Sassanians, in recent years. But… the war went on… Although Justinian’s two commanders in the
east achieved brilliant tactical victories at Dara and Satala, against vastly superior
Persian armies, a year later Kavad mounted further offensives, defeating Belisarius at
Callinicum and laying siege to Martyropolis. Justinian attempted to offer terms, which
Kavad rejected. It seemed like the end of the war was nowhere
in sight, but then, in 532, Kavad I died, and Justinian’s envoys re-opened negotiations
with the new Sassanian King of Kings, Khosrow I. With the new Persian ruler needing to secure
his position on the throne, the two sides signed a peace treaty, under which all occupied
territories were returned and Justinian agreed to pay 11,000 pounds of gold. As for Flavius Belisarius, despite his defeat
at Callinicum, he remained one of ablest generals in the Empire, and in the years to come he
will spearhead Justinian’s ambitious military campaigns to restore the Roman Empire to its’
former glory…
