How the Europeans fought the Mongols - Medieval History DOCUMENTARY

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As Mongol armies withdrew from the ruins of the  Hungarian kingdom in the spring of 1242, Europe   was left with the frightening prospect of what to  do, should the Horsemen of the Great Khan return.   In today’s episode, we will look at European  preparations for such an eventuality,   and how these measures worked when  Mongol armies did come back into Europe. Lucky for us, these days if the mongols did  come back, we’d only really have to worry   about what to make them for dinner. Or, let our  sponsor HelloFresh worry about that for you. This service delivers fresh food to your  home within a week of it leaving the farm,   but specifically they deliver precisely what  is needed to create dishes on their meal plan.   You pick items from their menu beforehand,  now featuring a new Mediterranean range,   and then follow foolproof recipes to  create rich meals without a second thought. They offer vegetarian, pescartarian, and fitness  focused menus too, so you can dine according to   your wants and needs, with all the admin taken  care of for you. And it's all top of the line,   flavourful picks, with seasonal tastes mixed  in, and plenty of kid-friendly recipes too. You’ll waste no more precious week-night time   sourcing and planning meals, waste no more  food throwing away unused ingredients,   since you get the right amount to begin with,  and waste no more money - HelloFresh is up to   seventy two percent cheaper than getting  food from restaurants or grocery stores. Use our link or go to hellofresh dot com and use   code POGKGSEPT16 for 16 FREE MEALS  across 7 boxes + 3 surprise gifts! When the armies of Batu and Subedei  withdrew in 1242, Europe was in a state   of panic. Hungary had been occupied for a  year, the Polish Duchies had been ravaged   and Mongol forces had darted into the eastern  parts of the Holy Roman Empire and Austria.   Early in 1242 Mongol armies had also  cut through the Balkans, with one force   perhaps even approaching Constantinople,  then under the rule of the Latin Empire.   During Batu’s leisurely withdrawal from Hungary,  he thoroughly sacked anything which had survived   the first Passover. Then, he sent more troops into  Halychyna-Volhynia when passing through there.   Ultimately he did not return to Mongolia,  but settled on the Volga Steppes. The Mongols   did not disappear into the distant mists, but  seemed all too close and ready to strike again.  The situation in Europe was tense.  Pope Gregory IX had died in August 1241   in the midst of a violent confrontation with  the Holy Roman Emperor, and his successor had   reigned only days before he too passed away.  It took two years for a new Pope, Innocent IV,   to be ordained. In the Holy Roman Empire,  an attempt at an anti-Mongol Crusade in 1241   under the Emperor’s son Conrad had collapsed  into civil war in Germany by that autumn.   In 1242, the Saintonge War broke  out between France and England.   Despite optimistic suggestions by the Holy Roman  Emperor Frederick II, there would be no united   front among the European monarchs in the immediate  aftermath of the Mongol Invasion. For those on the   frontline of a possible Mongol return, such as  Béla IV, King of Hungary, this was unwelcome   news. The powers of Europe had, by and large,  offered no real support during the midst of the   Mongol onslaught, and it was clear no assistance  would be forthcoming for further preparation.  When King Béla returned to his kingdom in the  fall of 1242, he quickly got to work. He had   no pretensions that the Mongols would not come  back to finish the job, and threatening letters   demanding his submission were a regular feature  of the rest of his reign. Béla had to prepare   for their inevitable return. One of his first  actions was to bring the Cumans back to his realm.   These Turkic nomads had previously sought  shelter in Hungary before the murder of   their leader caused them to abandon Béla to the  Mongols. Béla coaxed them back with promises of   land and a marriage alliance. His son István  was married to a Cuman Princess who was then   baptised. The Cumans were given a section of the  Great Hungarian Plain depopulated by the Mongols.   The hope was for the now-settled Cumans to be a  first line of defense should the Mongols return.   For the rest of the thirteenth century,  Cuman horse archers remained one of the   most important parts of the Hungarian army. Much of the kingdom’s population had been   driven to the westernmost part of Hungary, near  the Austrian border, or north into what is now   Slovakia. From the Danube River westwards Béla  ordered, and encouraged the nobility, to build   more fortifications, particularly in stone,  and on more rugged, hard-to-access locations.   These had been some of the few fortifications  which had survived the first Mongol assault,   such as at Esztergom, though they also represented  ongoing trends in European castle construction.   With the death of the last Babbenburg Duke  of Austria in 1246, Béla then went to war,   unsuccessfully, with his Bohemian neighbour  Ottokar over those lands, a failed effort to   push his kingdom even more west. One of his key  strategies was also to establish a network of   marriage alliances with Polish Dukes, the Duke of  Bavaria, the Princes of Halychyna-Volhynia, and   with Rus’ princes who had fled into Hungary. With  Halychyna-Volhynia, Béla offered encouragement   for its ruler, Daniil Romanovich, to declare his  independence from the Mongols as King of Ruthenia,   making a convenient buffer-state  between Hungary and the Mongol Empire.  Alongside those relationships, Béla continued  to contact the Pope and the Holy Roman Emperor,   seeking aid, funds, troops, whatever they could  spare, presenting himself as the front-line   defender of Christendom. With Pope Innocent  IV, Béla had a relatively supportive ally,   who organized the First Council of Lyons in 1245  to deal with the threats to the Christian peoples:   the Mongols, the fall of Jerusalem in 1244,  and the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick. But   Innocent’s Papal successors were less keen  on Béla’s continued exultations for support.   Pope Alexander IV and his successor Urban IV both  essentially told Béla to shove it, critiquing his   reliance on pagan Cumans and basically telling  him the Mongol invasions were punishments for   the sin of the Hungarians. In the end, little  material Papal assistance ever actually came   to the Hungarians. The results of Béla’s  policies we will return to in a few minutes,   but we can compare his efforts with the  suggestions his contemporaries made.  The most deliberate European response to the  Mongol invasion was the Council of Lyons in 1245.   Pope Innocent IV invited hundreds of prelates from  across Europe to discuss the problems facing the   Church. Among other important pontifical matters,  such as deciding the colours of Cardinals’ hats   and excommunicating Emperor Frederick, the Church  Council heard from those who had experienced the   invasion first-hand in Eastern Europe. It was  decided to learn more about these Mongols,   and to do so several embassies were organized.  These were made up of the Mendicant Orders, the   Franciscans and Dominicans. The most well-known  of these was Giovanni de Pian del Carpine, or   John de Plano Carpini as his name is more commonly  rendered. Carpini departed on his mission in 1245,   arriving in the Mongol imperial capital  of Qaraqorum in time for the election of   Great Khan Güyük in 1246, before returning  with the Khaan’s letters demanding the Popes   and King come to Mongolia to submit. It was an  impressive journey for a 65-year-old Italian.  During his travels Carpini took extensive  notes, observations and conducted interviews   with as many people as possible, especially from  European captives taken during the Mongol invasion   who provided Carpini first-hand  details of Mongol battle strategy.   Together, Carpini compiled a lengthy manual on how  to battle the Mongols. Thoroughly he described the   appearance, dress, and customs of the Mongols; not  in exaggerated mythic terms, but with the detailed   eye of an observer who felt lives depended on  it. His information is accurate, corroborating   well with other European, Chinese and Persian  accounts. Carpini’s extensive ethnography of the   Mongols —whom he calls Tatars throughout— was no  accident. One of the key strategies, he suggested,   was recognizing the difference between the  Mongols, and the people they ruled over,   for Carpini believed that should these people be  freed, they would fight against the Mongol menace.  Indeed, unity in the face of the Mongols was one  of Carpini’s primary arguments for a successful   defense. Carpini was quite aware of the disunity  within Europe even in the face of the previous   Mongol attack, and Güyük Khaan himself told  Carpini that he was preparing to finish the   conquest. Carpini’s work stressed the need  for cooperation between European powers,   both at diplomatic, strategic levels — that is,  not to allow one kingdom to face the Mongols on   its own— and at operational and tactical levels  — tight discipline must be kept over troops,   they must not break formation to pursue fleeing  Mongols, and the army itself needed to be under   unified command. No single power or army,  Carpini stressed, could stand against them.   Much of Carpini’s suggestions were  to emulate the Mongolian army.   Scouts should always be on watch day and night,  while the army itself should be organized in the   Turko-Mongolian decimal structure to ease command.  The army had to advance or retreat together,   follow orders and not break off into small  parties that could be picked off piecemeal.  In Carpini’s view, the Mongols had to be defeated  in the field. He actively discouraged hiding in   castles; doing so, he argued, only allowed  the Mongols to overrun the countryside and   kill whoever they came across. A castle was  worth nothing if the kingdom was reduced to   ash and its people were taken captive. While he  offers advice on how to design fortifications   to resist the Mongols, this was a last line of  defense rather than a primary means of protection.   Carpini’s suggestions for castle design  mirrored ongoing efforts in Hungary at the time:   that is, on elevated positions difficult  to target by siege machines, well supplied,   with deep ditches and well-built walls. But,  Carpini urges the defenders not to base their   entire defence on such forts. As he wrote: “Moreover, in regard to this point,   it should be known that the Tartars much prefer  men to shut themselves into their cities and   fortresses rather than fight with them in the  open, for then they say they have got their   little pigs shut in their sty, and so they place  men to look after them as I have told above.”  No, the Mongols had to be  confronted head-on, before   their armies split to attack several points.  For equipment, Carpini listed the following:  “Whoever wishes to fight against the  Tartars ought to have the following arms:   good strong bows, crossbows, of which [the  Mongols] are much afraid, a good supply of arrows,   a serviceable axe of strong iron or a battle-axe  with a long handle; the heads of the arrows for   both bows and cross-bows ought to be tempered  after the Tartar fashion, in salt water when   they are hot, to make them hard enough to pierce  the Tartar armour. They should also have swords   and lances with a hook to drag the Tartars from  their saddle, for they fall off very easily;   knives, and cuirasses of a double thickness,  for the Tartar arrows do not easily pierce such;   a helmet and armour and other things to protect  the body and the horses from their weapons and   arrows. If there are any men not as well armed  as we have described, they ought to do as the   Tartars and go behind the others and shoot  at the enemy with their bows and crossbows.   There ought to be no stinting of money when  purchasing weapons for the defence of souls   and bodies and liberty and other possessions.” On his return in 1247, Carpini had his account   read out and copied as he travelled, ensuring  that it spread across Europe. As such, his work,   the Ystoria Mongalorum, became the most popular  account of the Mongols in Europe in the thirteenth   century. Later writers plagiarised and adapted  it. The most famous of these was John Mandeville,   a fourteenth century author who copied  from Carpini for his own fictional travels.  The question remains though; did Carpini’s  work influence European defensive measures   against the Mongols? It is difficult to answer  in the affirmative. While Carpini’s work was   quickly popularized, there’s little evidence to  connect it to defensive or offensive measures   employed against later Mongol attacks. Aside from  the improved fortifications, Carpini suggested,   something which originated independently  of Carpini, the hopes for united armies   operating as one body to prevent the Mongols from  overrunning the countryside never materialized.  After the Prince of Halychyna-Volhynia  Daniil Romanovich had been encouraged   by the Hungarians and Pope to assert  his independence against the Mongols,   he received no support beyond a Papal-approved  crown, and this independence was soon crushed.   The 1260 invasion of Poland by Boroldai Noyan  was immensely destructive, more so than the first   Mongol attacks according to the Polish chronicler  Jan Długosz. Here there was no record of any of   Carpini’s suggestions being adhered to; the Poles  received no outside aid, and the battles were all   sieges, in which the Mongols overran quickly  the Polish defenders. The Mongols retreated   laden with booty and captives, having been given  free roam to ravage the countryside. In Bulgaria,   the Jochid prince Nogai’s troops plundered  annually over the 1270s. Only in 1283 did Nogai’s   troops, commanded by a Byzantine ally, meet a  significant military defeat against the Serbians,   during a failed crossing over the River Drim. Nogai and Prince Tele-Buqa led a large attack   on the Hungarian Kingdom in 1285. Here the  defensive measures of the late Béla IV were   put to the test, and once more no influence  of Carpini’s suggestions can be determined.   The Cumans who Béla had so carefully recalled to  the Kingdom revolted at the start of the 1280s, in   response to Christianization efforts led against  them. Though the revolt was put down in 1282,   many of these Cumans fled the Hungarian Kingdom  outright, a number defecting to the Golden Horde,   thus unraveling Béla’s intended  offensive arm against the Mongols.  The second Mongol invasion of Hungary is only  poorly covered in the extant primary sources,   though study of these sources has  advanced our knowledge of the campaign   since even our own video on it. While it remains  a popular claim in online circles to assert that   fierce European heavy cavalry under King László  routed the Mongol armies, there is no surviving   source that describes any such encounter. Charters  issued by László seem to indicate that he stayed   in the western part of the kingdom, mostly in  Buda and Pest, throughout the Mongol assault.   As archaeologist Michal Holeščák noted, it  seems unlikely that a King so beleaguered   and suffering from harassment from the Church  and his Barons would have missed an opportunity   to glorify a victory over the Mongols, had he  one to share. Instead, the campaign was largely   one of the small skirmishes and short sieges. The  Mongols seemed unwilling to besiege major sites   and ravaged the countryside instead, and when  they began to withdraw in the spring of 1285,   the sources described them as carrying a  considerable amount of slaves and booty;   it seems up to that point, the campaign was by  and large successful. Carpini’s doctrine here   evidently played no role in the defence. Only the  botched withdrawal through the Carpathians stopped   the campaign from being a success, where lightly  armoured Vlachs, Saxons and Szekély harassed the   Mongols armies and freed a number of prisoners.  As reported in sources from Poland, the Rus’   Principalities to Egypt, Tele-Buqa’s army was  lost to severe weather, epidemic and starvation,   turning the mission into a disaster. It seems that Carpini’s suggestions were not   heeded in Hungary. When Nogai and Tele-Buqa, now  Khan of the Golden Horde, attacked Poland in 1287,   the campaign was much less successful.  Major cities repulsed the Mongol attacks,   and the Mongols had to contend with pillaging  the countryside and undefended areas. But Carpini   would have found some solace in the fact that some  Hungarian lords travelled in Poland to provide   assistance against the Mongols: this was the  closest to a united military front ever offered.  The 1280s marked the last of the  major Mongol attacks on Europe.   Raids launched by the Golden Horde  continued well into the fourteenth century,   but these were on a considerably smaller  scale. Throughout the first half of the 1300s,   Khan Öz Beğ showed a remarkable willingness  to negotiate for diplomatic settlements   when he, the Polish King and the Lithuanian  Grand Duke butted heads over Halychyna-Volhynia.   While Öz Beğ wasn’t afraid to threaten a Mongol  invasion, his desires to conquer the Ilkhanate   stopped him from ever committing any real strength  to the far west. But after Öz Beğ’s death,   the balance shifted. The ravages of the Black  Death, ecological and economic catastrophes   and repeated civil wars left the Golden Horde  in a state of anarchy from 1360 through to 1380.   After being stabilized by Toqtamish Khan,  the Horde was once again plunged into turmoil   with the invasion of the great Emir, Tamerlane. In  the midst of this, the rulers of Hungary, Poland   and Lithuania invaded Horde’s western lands. The  Lithuanians took Kyiv and drove to the Black Sea.   Unfortunately, the sources generally offer little  detail into the specifics of a given victory.   Strong cavalry forces marked much of these  armies, with their own horse archers; these   were the types of forces which, ironically,  often fared the best against the Mongols,   as was the case with the Mamluk Sultanate of  Egypt and the Delhi Sultanate. Thus, Carpini’s   suggestions had little influence on the actual  successes European armies did have; but in regard,   he was quite correct. When the Mongol armies were  no longer providing a disciplined, united front,   they fell victim to the armies that could. More videos on the history of the Mongols   are on the way, so make sure you are subscribed  and have pressed the bell button to see them.   Please, consider liking, commenting, and sharing -  it helps immensely. Our videos would be impossible   without our kind patrons and youtube channel  members, whose ranks you can join via the links   in the description to know our schedule, get  early access to our videos, access our discord,   and much more. This is the Kings and Generals  channel, and we will catch you on the next one.
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Channel: Kings and Generals
Views: 1,821,976
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Keywords: how, the, mongols, fought, europeans, planned, mongol, empire, fell, eastern europe, asia, iran, ilkhanate, yuan, why, did, lost, china, dynasty, debunking, conspiracy, theory, genghis, khan, founder, genetic, millions, tolerant, armies, tactics, evolution, chinggis, travel, Europe, army, mongol army, documentary, kings and generals, kings, generals, history, animated, animated documentary, historical documentary, animated historical documentary, mongol history, full documentary, mongol invasions, mongol empire, tartaria
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Length: 20min 3sec (1203 seconds)
Published: Fri Sep 09 2022
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