Since the latter half of the 4th century AD, the
Roman Empire struggled to maintain cohesion. The period was marked by widespread social unrest,
civil war, and the great migration of peoples from the far side of the Rhine and Danube rivers.
Pushed west by nomads from the Asian steppe, countless Germanic warbands and tribes,
each numbering 10 to 20,000 people, flooded across the border.
Some sought refuge. Others, plunder. In the West, little could be done to
stop the encroachment on Roman territory. The government was sapped by over a century
of economic fragmentation that erased major political, cultural, and economic forces which
held the empire together. This gradual process of poor economic policies in turn weakened
the military, reducing the Imperial Army to a pale shadow of its former self.
In addition, the crisis led to the harsh taxation of the poor, tying the populace to the lands of
the wealthy. Such was the burden on the people that many found it better to rebel and become
outlaws or sell themselves into enslavement. As a result, when the pressure along the
border became too great, Rome lacked the resources to defeat its old enemies, leading
to a complete collapse of the Frontier system. The Province of Britain was lost, most of Gaul
was overrun, while new kingdoms in Hispania and Northern Africa defied the empire.
After decades of steady disintegration, Rome was on its last legs.
Worse, on the heels of the Germanic tribes came the nomads from the East,
threatening the empire with fire and sword. They were; the Huns… It is the year 423 AD. The Hunnic domain stretches from the river Rhine to
the Pontic steppe. Over the years, these nomadic warriors left a trail of untold destruction that
reduced countless cities and regions to ruins. Their ability to appear out of nowhere made them
seemingly impossible to defeat or defend against. At this time, the Huns were ruled
by Octar in the west and Ruga in the east. It was during their reign that the
Hunnic realm reached its territorial zenith. And, after Octar’s death in 430, it is thought
that Ruga proved himself a capable ruler, managing to significantly centralize
the tribes, turning the Huns into a war machine that became the terror of Europe.
The Eastern Empire was hit particularly hard by Hunnic raids. Emperor Theodosius II found it more
pragmatic to pay annual tribute of 350 pounds of gold in exchange for peace, as he often had
to contend with Sassanid Persia as well. The situation in the West,
however, was equally troubling. The chaotic 30-year rule of Theodosius’ uncle,
Emperor Honorius, largely responsible for failing to prevent the erosion of the Western Empire,
came to an end with his death in mid-August. Having left no heir, influential elites
chose a high-ranking officer Joannes, as his successor. However, not being
a member of the Theodosian dynasty, he was not recognized by the
court in Constantinople. Wasting no time, Emperor Theodosius made
preparations for a military expedition to put his cousin, young Valentinian III, on
the western throne. His support for the boy, however, came at a price, and Illyricum
was ceded to the Eastern Empire. Knowing that war was coming,
Joannes tasked a certain Aetius, with seeking military help from the Huns.
Flavius Aetius was born into a prominent family and was groomed for imperial
service from a young age. He spent a part of his young adult
life as a 'hostage' of the Huns, a position of great significance
that served to build political and diplomatic relations between
the barbarians and the empire. During his time there, Aetius developed close
friendships with the Hunnic ruling elite. He played a key role in establishing diplomatic
ties that enabled the Western Empire to recruit the invaluable Hun mercenaries, whilst the
Hunnic Kings filled their coffers with tribute. Most importantly for Aetius, his personal
contacts became a valuable political asset. Influential Romans not only sought his
advice on how to deal with the barbarians, but relied on him to provide barbarian troops when
they needed to further their political careers. Likewise, Joannes needed an army to hold onto
the throne and he enlisted the ambitious Aetius, who used his personal connections with the
Hunnic court to bring back an army of horsemen. But, he could not make it in time.
After a hard fought campaign and a fair dose of betrayal, the Eastern Roman
army deposed Joannes, and installed Valentinian III on the throne, in May 425.
Aetius was now in an unusual position. By marching against the legitimate emperor of the
Theodosian dynasty, he had committed treason. Yet, the wily general used the Hunnic army
at his back as political leverage. The young emperor’s formidable mother, Galla
Placidia, who was the real power behind the throne during Valentinian’s minority, quickly
understood that Aetius could unseat her son and thought it wise to not only
forgo all charges of treason, but handed him command over Gaul
and paid for his Hunnic troops. Meanwhile, from the plains across the Danube, Ruga
launched a campaign against the Eastern Empire on the pretext of going to war with the
tribes considered to be under his authority, who have fled into Roman territory.
However, a few months into the campaign he died – some say of the plague, others
claim that he was struck by lightning. Whatever the case, such a capable leader would’ve
been difficult to replace, and Theodosius hoped that the barbarians would fade away, now
that they were without Ruga to lead them. Indeed, in the years after his death the
reach of the decentralized Hunnic domain slowly shrunk, as tribes to the east and
north-east gradually slipped from their control. By the time his nephews Bleda and Attila inherited
the throne, the core of the Hunnic realm was centered around Pannonia, with their sphere of
influence primarily extending over the Germanic, Sarmatian and Slavic tribes in the more immediate
vicinity, but they nevertheless continued to have a major impact on Roman politics.
The two brothers proved equally capable to adapt to the ever changing,
hectic world of the Late Roman period. To conclude Ruga’s campaign, in 435 they
forced Theodosius to sign an unfavorable peace. The annual tribute paid to the Huns
was doubled to 700 pounds of gold, trade routing concessions were made, Hunnic
traders were allowed into markets in Roman cities, and Theodosius had to surrender prominent Hunnic
fugitives, including two of royal descent, who were subsequently crucified by Attila as
punishment for converting to Christianity. Born into the most powerful Hunnic family, Bleda’s and Attila’s growing up was far from the
rough life usually associated with nomadic tribes. Instead, they enjoyed a life no
different than the Roman ruling class. They received excellent education in military
and diplomatic tactics, could read, write, and speak in Gothic and Latin, and were well versed in
court intrigue. And, like all Huns of royal blood, they received expert training in archery, sword
fighting, lasso use, horse riding and grooming. It seems that Bleda ruled as supreme
king in the prized eastern wing, while Attila controlled the western reaches, where
he expanded the core of Hunnic territorial control towards the Rhine.
From early in his rule, Attila continued to maintain the lucrative
alliance with Aetius and, together with his brother, would continue to provide military
support to the Roman general for years to come… To repay his Hunnic friends for their assistance
against the two Theodosian emperors, Aetius ceded parts of Pannonia, and bestowed Attila
with the honorary title of magister militum, which entitled the Hunnic king to a hefty salary
and a regular supply of grain for his troops. The Roman general then promptly
moved to build up his power. He killed off political opponents and used the
support of the Huns to defeat his Roman rivals in a series of civil wars,
further destabilizing the West. The Vandal king Gaiseric exploited the internal
power struggle in Rome to cross from Hispania, overrun Roman Mauretania, and establish a
firm foothold in the Province of Africa, eventually capturing Carthage in 439. Aetius managed to negotiate a treaty,
recognizing Gaiseric as the ruler of the territory he had conquered, in exchange for
grain supply and annual tribute to Rome. But he had no intention of actually recovering
Africa. Similarly, to the north in Britain, still considered part of the empire in the
general sense, when the Britons were attacked by the Picts and other barbarians,
their pleas for help went unanswered. Instead, Aetius made the preservation of
Roman Gaul the keystone of his policy. He drove back the Visigoths to
their holdings in Aquitania, successfully stopping their expansion in a
series of military engagements over the years. In the north, he defeated
the Franks and the Alans, and enlisted them as foederati of the empire,
using their cavalry to bolster his forces. Rebels in Raetia and Noricum were ruthlessly
suppressed, and Roman rule was re-established on the Danube north of the Alps.
Subsequently he crushed a Burgundian army near the Middle Rhine and
accepted peace. But just one year later he broke the treaty and invited Attila’s Huns to
cross the border to finish off the Burgundians. Tens of thousands were killed, while Aetius
forcibly resettled the survivors south a few years later, effectively breaking
the power of the Burgundian kingdom. A major insurrection of the Bagaudae rebels
was suppressed in Armorica, a place of refuge for brigands, migrants who escaped the chaos in
Britain impoverished peasants, and runaway slaves, deserters, all banded together in open resistance
to the Roman proto-feudal exploitation. The ever-unstable region continued to be a
problem, causing a constant manpower drain. To free up his troops, Aetius resettled
the Alans along the Loire Valley, tasking them with containing the Bagaudae in the
north and pressing the Visigoths in the south. By now, Aetius emerged as the most powerful man in the West. He treated Gaul
as his personal fiefdom, defending it from internal and external threats at the expense
of all other regions of the Western Empire. Realizing that Rome’s resources were committed
in Gaul, the Vandals went on the offensive. First, Gaiseric married his son Huneric to
the daughter of the Visigothic King Theodoric. Not only could such an alliance overpower the
Western Empire, but the grain supply and trade revenue from Africa were cut off. Aetius
would no longer be able to pay his troops, which would leave the empire defenseless.
Then, in 440, Gaiseric invaded Sicily. The captured Roman ports and vessels in Africa
now served to transport Vandal troops to Italy. News of barbarians pouring across the
Mediterranean alarmed the Roman world. A year later, Theodosius dispatched a massive
armada to bring the Vandals to heel. However, to mount the expedition, the Emperor pulled
significant forces from the Imperial borders, and this hadn’t gone unnoticed by Rome’s neighbors.
In the East, Sassanid armies invaded. Nearly two years of small scale fighting
ended inconclusively, but contributed to the draining of Rome’s resources, before
Theodosius agreed to pay tribute. Back on the Danube frontier, the Huns invaded in
441. This time, walled cities posed no obstacle. Battering rams, scaling ladders, and mobile towers
were used to mount assaults. The ability to take fortified cities set the Huns apart from other
tribal armies, as major city centers in the Balkans were reduced to ruins one by one.
By 442, having gathered more plunder than they could carry, Attila and Bleda
headed back across the Danube, after sending their demands to Theodosius.
However, the Emperor rejected the peace offer. He recalled the troops from Sicily and ordered
large amounts of new coins to be minted, to finance the war against the Huns,
determined to defeat the nomads in battle. In 443, the Huns responded with another
campaign. Major fortified urban centers were heavily damaged, with entire populations
slaughtered or enslaved. Attila and Bleda reached as far south as Thermopylae in Greece, and
destroyed a Roman army outside Constantinople. The Eastern capital was safe behind its walls, but
another Roman army was defeated near Kallipolis. Unable to deal with the onslaught, the humiliated
Theodosius sued for peace, agreeing to hand over 6,000 pounds of gold as punishment for
missed payments during the invasion, and the annual tribute was
tripled to 2,100 pounds in gold, with the ransom for every captured
Roman soldier set at 12 solidi. As the Huns retreated back to their
territory in 445, Bleda reportedly died, possibly a victim of assassination.
Attila was now the sole ruler of the Huns. Meanwhile in the West, the
Visigothic-Vandal alliance bore fruit. They tied down Roman forces in Gaul and took
Sicily in the south. It was only a matter of time before they would overrun the empire.
Political infighting certainly didn’t help Rome’s cause. Valentinian has grown, but he was Emperor
in name only, with his power limited even within Italy itself. But, what little influence he had,
he used to prevent any help from going to Aetius in his fight against the barbarians, clearly
resentful of the general’s unlimited power. True to form, Aetius freely
pulled the imperial strings. To consolidate his own position
in Gaul, he offered an alliance to Gaiseric and proposed a marriage between
Valentinian’s daughter and Gaiseric’s son. It was a brilliant move. He was
well aware that Gaiseric’s son was already married to Theodoric’s daughter,
and if his offer was accepted it would drive a wedge between the Vandals and the Visigoths,
and potentially break up their alliance. The ploy worked.
Aetius’ offer was too tempting for Gaiseric. He would now have
time to rebuild his forces that became overextended, and to consolidate his
grip over his territorial gains. More importantly, the opportunity to marry his son
Huneric into the Roman royal line was too good to pass up. The Vandal King cared little that Huneric
was already married to Theodoric’s daughter. To get rid of her, he accused her of trying
to poison him, then cut her nose and ears off, before sending her back to Theodoric.
The Visigothic-Vandal alliance was broken. To the west, in Hispania, Aetius was slowly
losing grip on the situation. Nevertheless, he schemed by keeping the Visigoths busy
with promises of land south of the Pyrenees if they aided Rome in putting down a revolt of
the Bagaudae in Tarraconensis and in reducing the power of the Suebi, who had by now greatly
expanded their territory on the peninsula. The expedition, however, was defeated,
but it succeeded in diverting significant Visigothic forces away from
Aetius’ domains in Gaul. By 447, his two-pronged diplomatic mission to
neutralize both the Vandals and the Visigoths succeeded completely - it was
a true political masterstroke. Aetius’ scheming continued in Italy, when he
betrothed his son to Valentinian’s younger daughter. Not only did this further
strengthen his position in the empire, but marrying into the Theodosian line would
greatly increase the legitimacy of his house. However, in the east, storm
clouds were gathering… In 447, the Huns crossed the Danube yet again.
Two years of poor harvests, outbreaks of plague and a succession of earthquakes, spread
devastation throughout the Eastern Empire, and Theodosius was forced to
stop paying the annual tribute. And now, Attila came to collect what he was owed.
This time he set his sights on Constantinople, who’s walls have been severely damaged during
the strong earthquakes earlier in the year. An army marched out to meet the invaders, while
the populace scrambled to repair the defenses. However, the Romans suffered
a crushing defeat at the river Utus, but not without inflicting
heavy casualties on the invaders. Left unopposed, the Huns laid waste to
Thrace, with some cities suffering such destruction that they remained desolate until
the reign of Justinian, some 70 years later. But, the walls of Constantinople
were repaired just in time. Once again, the city’s formidable defenses left
Attila no choice but to turn back. However, Theodosius was again forced to buy peace
with the Huns and agreed to abandon much of the lower Danube frontier as a buffer
wasteland. Forcing the abandonment of lands that were controlled by the empire for
centuries was Attila’s way of reminding everyone of his power and ability
to get concessions from the Romans. But, things soon changed with
the death of Theodosius, and the accession of the new
Eastern Emperor Marcian, in 450. He immediately adopted a stronger
policy towards the Huns and put a stop to the ruinous tribute
paid by his indecisive predecessor. The new emperor's comprehensive
military preparations made it clear that the East would be a more
determined opponent under his rule. Attila was angered,
but did not renew the war. Instead, the Hunnic king turned west. He forbade the Hun mercenaries
from serving Rome, and began preparing for a confrontation
with his childhood friend and ally. Good relations between Attila and Aetius
were coming to an end, and the Roman general would no longer be able
to use the Huns as his iron fist in Gaul. A few reasons are suggested for
Attila’s sudden sh ift in strategy, but it is not entirely clear why he abandoned
long-standing diplomatic ties with the West. Whatever his reasons, a direct invasion
of Rome risked alienating the barbarian allies that formed the bulk of his army. He
needed a pretext for war. And he found two. One was the recent death of the Frankish King
Chlodio that left his sons fighting over the throne, splitting the kingdom in two, with
one son seeking assistance from Aetius and the other from Attila. But the Frankish internal
dispute was not reason enough for all out war. The other was Justa Grata Honoria, Valentinian’s
ambitious sister. She schemed to assassinate the emperor and seize power, but the plot was
uncovered and she was forcibly married to a senator loyal to the emperor, who could keep
an eye on her. Faced with an unwanted marriage, she went as far as sending a letter and A
RING to Attila, begging him to set her free. This may or may not have been a marriage proposal,
but Attila chose to interpret it as such. He accepted and asked for half of the Western
Empire as dowry. Valentinian disputed the marriage proposal and refused Attila’s demands. This was the pretext that the Hunnic king needed. The war had begun… In moving against the West, Attila
insisted he was not an invader, but someone who is claiming his right as
the emperor’s future brother-in-law. And with Honoria as his wife, the Hunnic king
would get an opportunity to take over Gaul and continue the previous policy of
supporting the West against its enemies, with the added benefit of territory within the
empire and a direct connection to the throne. Rarely, if ever, was Aetius caught so completely
off guard. Upon receiving word of the impending invasion, he set out from Italy to Gaul…
Valentinian offered very little support, but Aetius brought with him the Auxilia Palatina.
Although few in number, these were first-rate troops, capable of holding firm in line of battle,
as well as conducting more mobile operations. Nevertheless, even when combined
with his main force in Gaul, Aetius still didn’t have the
numbers to defeat the invaders. It seemed that the Roman general
faced an insurmountable problem. For over 20 years he relied on the Huns and Alans
to stamp his authority on the Visigoths, Franks, Burgundians, and Bacaudae. But now, with Attila on
his way, he had to turn to his enemies for help. Realizing he could never persuade Theodoric
to join him, the ever resourceful Aetius sought assistance from Avitus.
A prominent Roman aristocrat, Avitus once served as a Praetorian Prefect
of Gaul and was a personal friend and trusted advisor of the Visigothic King.
He appealed to Theodoric that now was not the time to settle old political scores with
Aetius. Now was the time to throw in his lot with the Romans to stop Attila.
Persuaded, the king marched out of his capital – diplomacy and charm
produced what no war could have achieved, a force that could confront the greatest
barbarian army yet to threaten the empire. For Aetius, however, the alliance with
Theodoric was a marriage of convenience. He was forced to seek help and would have to make
concessions to the Visigoths, but had no desire to see their power grow. His plan was to stop Attila,
but to also remain the most powerful warlord in Gaul, and he would strive to prevent Theodoric
from exploiting any victory against the Huns. Meanwhile, the Huns crossed the Rhine in
the spring of 451, with contingents of Franks coming in from the north to join them.
Attila had split his army into smaller bands to make foraging easier, concentrating
his forces only near walled settlements. Assaulting and capturing a city would’ve given
his army loot, slaves, and additional supplies. However, when confronted by well defended
cities he could not afford the time needed for siege operations, and could
only try to rely on fear to gain entry, offering to spare the inhabitants from a horrific
sack in exchange for provisions and shelter. And if the gates remained closed,
Attila would’ve probably kept moving. The Hunnic army captured and sacked Metz in
early April, then proceeded to cut a swathe through the countryside. Without organized Roman
standing forces, the invaders were virtually unopposed. Logistics dictated their movement
much more than tactical considerations. Attila was obliged to allow his followers
chance to loot, but his focus would’ve been on moving quickly and creating such a nuisance
that Aetius would be forced to sue for peace. His goal was Aurelianum, an important strategic
city. Capturing it would’ve split Gaul in half, but if that proved not enough to bring
the Romans to the negotiating table, he could meet them in battle, defeat them, and
extract terms, as he has done before in the East. The Alan leader Sangiban must’ve received word
on the approaching Huns. It is possible that he tried to play a duplicitous game, angling
to join the side that was most likely to win. There is certainly some debate about
his loyalty, but it’s likely that he sided with Aetius early on, as the two
had a fruitful alliance over the years. Whatever the case, what Attila failed to
anticipate was a Romano-Visigothic alliance that could challenge him. Worse, Aetius got to
Aurelianum first. He promptly entrenched the outskirts of the city and made it a rallying
point for the troops coming from the north. The cunning general cut a deal with the
Bacaudae and the recent immigrants from Britain, guaranteeing them freedom from imperial
authority in exchange for their support. Additional Frankish auxiliaries, Saxons,
contingents of outlaws from Armorica, Liticians and Burgundians were persuaded to join, as well
as smaller Sarmatian, Celtic, Swabian and German tribes, also the Olibriones (who were former Roman
soldiers), and the Alans from the Loire valley. Once Attila arrived, he knew that
the defensive position at Aurelianum favored the Romans. There is some evidence
to suggest that the he was unsettled by being confronted with Aetius’ combined army, on
unfavorable forested ground around the Loire. Therefore, the Hunnic king
withdrew from Aurelianum. He may have expected the take the city without a
fight, but since this was no longer possible he had no choice but to give battle, and he wanted
to do so on the ground of his own choosing. He was familiar with the terrain he
had already marched through after crossing the Rhine and knew that the flat
Catalaunian Fields would favor his army. Mounted contingents and the baggage train
would’ve kept to the road, while the infantry made their way cross-country through the Forest
of Orleans, with the rally point at Senones. Aetius had to delay for a few days, departing from
Aurelianum only after all his reinforcements had arrived. He predicted that he will catch up
to Attila before he could cross the Seine, roughly an 8-day march. To slow down the
enemy, the Roman general dispatched fast moving contingents of riders ahead of the main
army to harass Attila’s column in the hilly, heavily forested territory, where there
was little room for the Huns to maneuver. While this didn’t cause significant
losses to Attila, it made resupplying his troops that much more difficult, while
the Roman allied army was well provisioned. A large skirmish by Aetius’ Franks
in the rear of the Hunnic column further slowed down Attila’s advance, allowing
Aetius to catch up. This forced Attila to leave a sizeable rearguard of Gepids, to allow the main
army to take up position on the fields ahead. In light of the retreat from Aurelianum and having
to fight off ambushes and skirmishing attacks over the past 10 days, the morale in
the Hunnic army would’ve suffered. Attila had the added challenge of keeping the
spirits up, assuring his followers that the favorable terrain just ahead, is where they
will make a stand and defeat the Romans… As he reached the open Catalaunian
fields, Attila had to make a decision. He was on the defensive, and his army was tiring.
He could either risk it all by giving battle or retreat to fight another day. The Hunnic king
was aware that there might not be another day, knowing that an army retreating through hostile
territory was like a sick herd – an easy prey. Worse, to run away in the face of the enemy was
no way for a warrior to live, certainly no way for a leader of his stature to retain his authority
over the many tribal warlords under his command. He would fight the Romans. As June 19th drew to a close,
Attila sent a cavalry detachment to occupy a ridge overlooking the valley,
recognizing its importance straight away. Further ahead, he encamped on the banks of the
Siene, with a wagon fort formed in the front and a bridge to the rear, that would provide a
vital avenue of escape across the river if things went badly. Towards the south-west, 7km of flat
open plains extended as far as the eye can see, which would give the Huns advance
warning of the approaching enemy. Tonight, his troops would
get a good night’s rest… Early on June 20th, the morning twilight witnessed
a comet ominously piercing through the sky, as if to signal the start of the battle.
Soon after, Aetius’ appeared… Just as Attila suspected, the Roman general
had divided his army into two columns, arriving around 7 a.m. Aetius wanted to deploy as early in the day as
possible. He needed a quick, decisive battle. The conglomeration of his allies would disperse
back to their homes if they became stuck in a prolonged war of attrition.
After getting word from his scouts that the Romans are on their way, the
Hunnic king began deploying his troops. Crucially, he sent another contingent of cavalry
to reinforce the Hunnic riders on the ridge to the south. Unlike Aetius, Attila wanted to start
the battle as late in the day as possible. If he could delay until there were
only a few hours left before sunset, this would allow him to regroup under the cover
of darkness if the Romans got the upper hand. And just as he suspected, Aetius did not want
to leave a Hunnic contingent to his rear. While the rest of the army continued towards
the battlefield, the Roman general tasked King Theodoric’s son Thorismund, commander of the
Visigothic cavalry, with taking the ridge. As the Visigoths approached up the slope,
the Huns kept their distance. They withdrew slowly, showering the enemy with arrows.
The harassment slowed down Thorismund’s advance, as the nimble horsemen kept retreating out of
harm’s way. Attila had no intention of fighting for control of the heights, rather on the flat
plain below that better suited his army. Deploying his horsemen on the ridge was
intended to disrupt Aetius’ movements and drag out his deployment. And it seemed
like Attila’s delaying tactics were working. It wasn’t until 11 a.m. that the Visigoths
finally gained control of the heights, some FOUR hours after the Roman army
first appeared on the battlefield. Instead of advancing towards the middle of the
field where he would be vulnerable to encirclement by the fast moving Huns, Aetius anchored his
right flank on the rising slope to the south, and his left wing on the
thick forest to the north. Just like Attila, Aetius tried to
formulate his own contingency plan by forming his line at the start of the steep
meadow that lead up to the high lands behind him. If the battle went against him, this would allow
him to withdraw uphill where it would’ve been difficult for the mounted Huns to pursue him.
Theodoric and the Visigoths held the right wing. Most of them dismounted to form a shield wall,
to protect themselves from the Hunnic archers. A small cavalry contingent remained in
reserve, commanded by the King himself. The mounted Alans were placed in the center-right.
Perhaps doubtful of Sangiban’s dedication to the cause, Aetius may have wanted to surround the
Alan leader with a host of faithful troops. Rather than forming a shield wall like the
rest of the battle array, the Alans fought on horseback similarly to the Huns.
Aetius took command in the center-left. From there to the left wing extended the Roman
infantry, including the Franks, Burgundians, Saxons, and other allied tribes. Like the
Visigoths, the majority formed a shield wall. Two cavalry contingents were placed in
reserve to plug any holes in the line. Meanwhile, Attila observed
Aetius’ defensive deployment. With the Roman formation tucked
into the bottom of the hillside and most of the troops locked in a shield
wall, no envelopment would be possible. But, even though Aetius’ deployment left
no option except a frontal assault, Atilla had never been defeated in battle and he was on
the battlefield of his own choosing. After all, it was he who crossed the Rhine to wage war on
the Romans. Now was his chance to defeat them. He took up position in the center
with his Huns, the core of his army. On the left wing, Ostrogothic cavalry formed
in the front. Arrayed in the second line were Germanic footmen, the Burgundians, Thuringians,
Alammani, Rugians, Heruls, and others. On the right wing, Frankish infantry and Gepid
cavalry were placed in the front, with another contingent of mixed Germanic infantry in the back.
The second line of Germanic infantry on both wings was to serve as a rallying point for the
cavalry and to reinforce any attacks. Just as he had planned, Attila
successfully delayed Aetius’ deployment. Only 5 to 6 hours remained until sunset.
It was time. Atilla planned to focus his attack on the
weaker Roman center-right. He would’ve seen that the placement of mounted Alans was
the most vulnerable point in Aetius’ line and he wanted to take advantage of that. He tasked the Franks and Gepids on the
right, and the Ostrogoths on the left with pinning down the Romans and Visigoths,
to allow him time to break the Alans. The Huns attacked in successive waves, maximizing
the effect of their archery. To the average Roman soldier, it seemed that the barbarians
purposely scattered into smaller bands, rushing about in disorder.
The Alan contingent bore the brunt of the storm of arrows, but Attila also focused his volleys
on the Visigoths and the Roman center-right, in order to support the mounted attack on the wings.
He knew that a cavalry charge could break against determined infantry and he wanted to soften up
and disrupt Aetius’ ranks before the Ostrogoths, Franks, and Gepids began their charge.
The Hunnic barrage continued for hours, giving Aetius’ men no respite. The physical and
psychological impact on the Romans and Visigoths, cowering behind their shields,
must have been immense. The Alans kept responding with barrages of
their own, but being mounted and stationary made them much easier targets, and as their
losses mounted, gaps appeared in their line. Sensing that the concentrated arrow
volleys have weakened their resolve, Attila ordered a general charge!
On a very narrow front, the Hunnic wedged formations smashed into the Alans, cutting
straight through their formation. Overwhelmed, some of the Alans held on, while others fled,
opening a gap that split the Roman army in two. Theodoric and Aetius turned their cavalry
contingents in a desperate attempt to plug the whole in the center and stop the breakthrough.
Either side of the gap, the shock of the Hunnic charge pushed back the enemy,
bending their battle lines inwards. Then came Attila’s Germanic infantry, adding
more impetus to the attack. The men in the front clashed with their shields in close combat,
jabbing at the enemy with spears and swords. On the Roman left, the battle swayed back and
forth, but the mixed allied infantry managed to slow down the push of the Gepids and the Franks.
On the right flank, however, the Visigoths were pressed hard by the combined charge of the Huns,
Ostrogoths, and the mixed Germanic infantry. Then, word reached Aetius that King Theodoric was
killed in the fighting, while rallying his men. Realizing that this was a
critical moment in the battle, the Roman general gave the signal to Thorismund. Until now hidden from view
behind the crest of the hill, the Visigothic cavalry poured down the slope.
Caught off guard, Attila’s Germanic infantry faced about to form a line
against the incoming cavalry. But, without enough time to form a
shield wall, they were quickly overrun. In the center, Aetius managed to rally
the Alans and stabilize the line. Attila’s attempt to steamroll the Roman center
had failed, and now his attack stalled. Soon, his left wing fell apart,
as the Ostrogoths fled the field. To avoid encirclement, Attila too disengaged
and retreated towards the fortified camp. Sporadic skirmishing continued until
sunset, when all fighting died down. Upon learning of the death of his father,
Thorismund wanted to besiege the Hunnic camp and continue the fight on the next day.
But, some sources claim that, inexplicably, Aetius used his charm to dissuade the Visigothic heir
apparent, reminding him that it would be wiser for him to depart for Toulouse to secure his throne.
Another story suggests that the Roman general received payment from the Hunnic king and possibly
looked to rebuild the relationship with the Huns, whose mercenaries he could again use
to re-assert his authority in Gaul. It remains unclear why Aetius didn’t
press the advantage when he had Attila at his mercy. But in all likelihood, after
defeating the Huns, he was faced with the inevitable break-up of his temporary alliance,
and thus had no choice but to end the engagement. Whatever the case, Attila was able to
withdraw from the field in good order and head back across the Rhine…
Aetius’ accomplishment on the Catalaunian fields cannot be overstated. In defeating the Huns he
demonstrated exceptional leadership, diplomatic, strategic, and tactical prowess, which made him
one of the greatest leaders of late antiquity. His former friend Attila didn’t succeed
in carving out a kingdom in Gaul, but still wielded immense power and was not
ready to give up his ambitions against the West. The following year, he surprised Aetius
by invading Italy. Aquileia was besieged and captured. Cities across the Po valley
were sacked, although the capital Ravenna was protected by its surrounding marshes.
Attila continued south, before abruptly retreating due to supply shortages and a possible outbreak
of plague within his army. He and his troops had already acquired considerable plunder and
many were keen to head back home before winter. In addition, the Eastern Empire began launching
offensive operations against Attila’s kingdom, which was another reason to withdraw from Italy.
While Western Rome did not defeat him, Attila’s own power rested on continuous success
and the failure to win an outright victory may have weakened his authority. Nevertheless,
he planned to renew his campaign next year. But in early 453 he took a young wife and after a
night of excessive celebration he was found dead the following morning. Exact cause of his death
is not known, but he left no designated heir, and the fight for the throne among his sons,
and the many allies making their bids for power, caused the Hunnic realm to
collapse within just a few years. Fate was not kind to Aetius either. His
power began to wane in recent years, ever since he could no longer recruit the Huns
to fight for him. And with Attila defeated, his military expertise was less necessary. By 454,
the general understood his precarious position and hoped to use his influence over
the emperor to secure his position by making sure that the marriage between his
son and the emperor’s daughter went through. But Emperor Valentinian, now in his
30’s, still resented Aetius. However, he was never able to rule in his own right and was
instead influenced by ambitious men at his court. One such man was a senator, Petronius
Maximus, who plotted his own rise to power. Exploiting the hatred that
Valentinian had for Aetius, the senator persuaded him to lure the general
to a meeting in Ravenna. Once there, Valentinian and his eunuch chamberlain attacked Aetius
during a discussion, and hacked him to death. Still, the instigator Petronius had grander
designs. Just a few months later, he recruited two of Aetius’ bodyguards to murder Valentinian.
Soon after, Petronius declared himself emperor… All of the major actors involved in the
events surrounding the Catalaunian fields, were dead within a few years
after the battle. As for the Roman empire. It would continue to
stagger onwards for another twenty years...
