Amidst the rugged mountains on the dry, arid
stretch of the Syrian steppe, lay a wealthy city in a lush fertile oasis. Adorned with sumptuous colonnaded streets,
tetrapylons, majestic temples, spacious agoras, theatres and baths, elaborate stone reliefs,
monumental Valley of the Tombs, and administrative government buildings, the city of Palmyra
was the jewel of the Middle East and a melting pot at the crossroads of cultures, with Roman,
Greek, Aramean, Arabian and Persian influences all on display. For over thirty years this was the place that
Queen Zenobia called home, where she wove together the obligations of kinship, patronage
and civic solidarity that Palmyra demanded of its notables. But… in the scorching sunlight of the late
summer of 272 AD, the queen stood on the steps of the Temple of Bel with a troubled brow,
her troops posted on the outskirts of the city. She firmly grasped her cloak in her hand as
the smoke and fragrance of lingering incense filled the air and the sounds of solemn hymns,
sung to flutes, drums and tambourines, reverberated in the majestic hall. With a camel at her side, carrying a shrine
in which a sacred stone was shrouded, Zenobia intoned prayers and made offerings of oil
and wine, asking her god Bel for protection against those she perceived to be the invaders
of her empire. However, the Emperor Aurelian deemed Zenobia’s
authority to be illegitimate and her bid for power unsanctioned, and he came to Palmyra
at the head of an army to settle the matter once and for all… Located in the semi-desert steppe of eastern Syria, Palmyra was a powerful city
on the eastern edge of the Roman Empire. It derived the majority of its wealth from
its location on the caravan trade routes of the Middle East. The city’s merchants were renowned for their
ability to secure safe passage of goods through treacherous country, from one water source
to another, especially during the dry season. Palmyrene traders operated throughout the
Empire and, more crucially, played a major role in connecting Roman Syria to the Middle
Euphrates, and from there the Persian Gulf. Since the times of Emperor Caracalla, Palmyra
enjoyed the status of a colonia. However, in the middle decades of the third
century AD, when the Sassanids fought Rome for control of Armenia and Upper Mesopotamia,
Palmyra attained a heightened political and strategic significance under the leadership
of a prominent local aristocrat, Septimius Odaenathus. The instability of warfare in the region threatened
Palmyrene trade, and Rome expected the Palmyrenes to provide for their own secrurity. This inadvertently helped the city to create
a martial tradition of its own, and in the 240s and 250s Odaenathus used the reputation
he had built up through his successful protection of the caravan routes from raiders, and his
position as commander of Palmyra’s cavalry and dromedary archers, to secure his dominance
over the city and its civic council. By 251 AD , he and his eldest son Herodian
Hairan were being honoured in Palmyra as ‘resh’, or Leader, an unprecedented title among the
Palmyrene elite. The two continued to amass power, claiming
consular rank by 258, and in 259 Odaenathus campaigned against the Persians, sacking the
city of Nehardea on the Euphrates. Odaenathus’ greatest opportunity then came
in spring 260 when Emperor Valerian was captured by the Persians at the battle of Edessa. Valerian’s son Gallienus was left as sole
ruler of Rome, but the disaster of an emperor falling captive in battle sparked a crisis
of loyalties. A cascade of usurpers sprung up across the
empire. In the unstable frontier regions, ambitious
men seized power, usually elected by the troops or the local aristocracy, greatly contributing
to the erosion of Imperial authority and the decline of its internal structures. The populace suffered against incursions that
were becoming increasingly difficult to check, most notably an Alemannic invasion of Italy
that had already begun even before Valerian’s capture and which Gallienus eventually crushed
outside Milan, as well as Herulian and Gothic raids that saw the sacking of numerous cities
in Greece, Macedonia, Thrace, and Asia Minor including Byzantium, Argos, Corinth, Sparta,
Olympia, and Athens, as well as the destruction of one of the wonders of the Ancient World,
the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus. In the West, general Postumus, his Rhine army,
and the governors loyal to him broke away from central authority, forging a Romano-Gallic
regime with Postumus as emperor, further rocking an empire seemingly on the brink of disintegration. The Roman East was just as turbulent. Macrianus, one of the main fiscal officers
of the Empire grabbed the opportunity, using his influence as Valerian's treasurer, to
march on Rome. Planning to seize the capital, he took with
him his eldest son Macrianus Minor, intending to elevate him to the throne in the West. He left his younger son Quietus in charge
of the Eastern provinces, supported by the Praetorian Prefect Ballista, who was instrumental
in propping up Macrianus' sons to the Imperial throne. The momentum to usurp the throne gathered
behind Macrianus, but his army was intercepted and defeated in Thrace, with both he and his
eldest son killed in the encounter. Meanwhile, Quietus and Ballista lost control over the
Eastern provinces. In a calculated show of loyalty to Emperor
Gallienus, Odaenathus marched on Emesa and overthrew what remained of the usurper regime. It was a clever move. Gallienus recognized Odaenathus’ de-facto
authority, who was subsequently honoured as Restorer of all the East, essentially becoming
the viceroy of Rome’s most eastern provinces. This gave him authority over Roman governors
and military forces in Syria and Upper Mesopotamia, which Odaenathus used to great effect to help
push the Persians out of the eastern provinces, recapturing Roman fortresses
of Carrhae and Nisibis. In a brazen move showing his ambitions he
had declared himself King of Kings, a challenge to the imperial claims of Shapur I of Persia. In 262 and 266 he twice invaded Persian-held
Lower Mesopotamia, reaching as far as the Persian capital Ctesiphon on both occasions,
but was unable to take the city. In 267 , on the Emperor’s orders, he also
campaigned against Gothic and Herulian raiders in Asia Minor. By now, Odaenathus had reached
the apex of his power. However, members of Gallienus’ court and
Palmyra’s elite were viewing his and his family’s growing ambition with increasing
concern. Although the details vary between the sources,
it appears that, in 267 or 268, Odaenathus and his son Herodian were assassinated in
a joint Gallienic-Palmyrene conspiracy. The plan backfired. Far from destroying the power of his dynasty,
his widow Septimia Zenobia took matters into her own hands. She propped up her young son Vaballathus as
the new Restorer of the Entire East, thereby treating her husband’s viceroy position
as hereditary, with herself taking the title of Queen and ruling as regent. She wisely chose not to break ties with the
imperial court, as she was not yet ready for war, but no one was left in doubt of the influence
she possessed in the East. Gallienus did not accept that Odaenathus’
position as viceroy, which he himself granted in the first place, could be passed on to
Zenobia’s son. However, the establishment of Palmyra in the
East, coupled with the failure to defeat the Gallic Empire in the West and the usurpation
of his best general Aureolus in northern Italy, seriously weakened Gallienus. The stability of the Roman Empire deteriorated
further still when he too was assassinated in September 268. Different accounts of the incident are recorded,
but they agree that senior officials wanted Gallienus dead. The new emperor Claudius managed to bring
some stability. He stopped the Alemmanic invasion of
Raetia and Italy at Lake Benacus. He then marched east to meet a major Gothic
invasion in the Balkans. At the battle of Naissus, he achieved a major
victory over the barbarians. However, the continuation of the war was less
conclusive due to the outbreak of the plague, which affected the Romans, but savaged the
Goths even worse. Many Goths who survived were either admitted
into the Roman legions, or had lands assigned for them to cultivate. Preoccupied with matters in the Balkans, Claudius
sent an expedition against Zenobia under Heraclianus, a former Praetorian Prefect, to reassert control
over the east. The details are unknown, but the campaign
was a disastrous failure for the central government This was the point of no return. Recognizing weakness in the empire’s central
authority, in the spring of 270 Zenobia sent an expedition of her own to conquer the Roman
province of Arabia. This campaign, commanded by her general Zabdas,
defeated the Cyrenean Third Legion, killed its commander and subdued its troops. Later that summer, the queen launched an invasion
of Egypt, with an army consisting of Palmyrenes, Syrian legionaries, mercenaries and ‘barbarians’. It was a grueling, hard fought campaign, but
Zenobia’s forces successfully took Egypt. Despite the setback in the East, in the empire’s
west, the Gallic Empire was similarly unstable, and the assassination of Postumus in 269 had
prompted a series of defections. Claudius’ trusted general Placidianus seized
the moment and took control of southern Gaul after several victories. Hispania followed suit, breaking their allegiance
to the new Gallic Emperor Victorinus and declared their loyalty to Claudius. But the emperor would not live long enough
to reunite the lost territories. In the summer of 270 he journeyed to Sirmium,
where he prepared for a campaign against the Vandals who were raiding Pannonia. On the way he fell victim to a pestilence
, likely the Plague of Cyprian - a form of smallpox - and he died in August 270. His younger brother Quintilius , currently
stationed at Aquileia, was declared emperor by the Senate. But… in an act typical of the Crisis of
the Third Century, the new Emperor was not recognized by the legions that served under
Claudius, who instead threw their support behind his right hand man, the talented Illyrian
cavalry general Lucius Domitius Aurelianus, more commonly known as Aurelian .
It looked like more war and turmoil would engulf what remained of the Roman Empire. But the reign of Quintilius proved extraordinarily
brief, possibly lasting as few as 17 days. He committed suicide, realizing he had little
hope against the army of Aurelian. The Senate now recognized Aurelian as the
new emperor. But he inherited a state in a dismal condition,
that had been disintegrating for the past twenty years. Vast territories remained outside of central
imperial control, some for nearly a generation Internal turmoil encouraged pressure from
external enemies, and renewed incursions by the tribes north of the Danube spread devastation
deep into the interior. And, with yet another emperor seizing power
the threat of civil wars again grew as new usurpers arose, exploiting the imperial insecurities
and the influence of armies on Roman politics. The spiraling political and economic crisis
impacted agriculture and commerce the most, which was compounded by the pestilence that
had first swept through the empire around the year 250, greatly diminishing
manpower for the armies and taxation. Nonetheless, the new Emperor steeled himself
for the difficult road ahead. In the East, seeking to strengthen the image
and power of her regime, Queen Zenobia skillfully played the political game. She exploited the turmoil in Rome, but was
careful not to provoke a war with the new emperor. Her mints at Antioch and Alexandria recognized
Aurelian as emperor, producing coins in his name. But she also now struck coins bearing the
face of her son Vaballathus, honoring him as Imperator, a military title of Republican
origins that was now associated with emperors. In this way, Zenobia gave him imperial status
whilst cleverly avoiding the title of Augustus, which would’ve unambiguously designated
him as emperor, blatantly challenging Aurelian’s authority .
Roman mints were spread widely across the empire, and emperors used them to make political
statements to their subjects. The populace often learned of a new Roman
Emperor when coins appeared with his portrait. Thus, the circulation of coins bearing Vaballathus’
face undoubtedly solidified his authority over the Palmyrene domain, but it was also
an encroachment on Aurelian’s authority. Zenobia’s powerplay extended further. Her coins bore inscriptions that recorded
the number of years that Vaballathus had ruled the east, thereby showing that he had been
in power longer than the emperor, as if to suggest her son’s seniority over Aurelian. Coupled with this web of political intrigue,
Zenobia began the expansion of her army and moved into Asia Minor. She captured Tyana in Cappadocia and Ancyra
in Galatia, and attempted to seize Chalcedon in Bithynia, which resisted and
remained loyal to Aurelian. With this show of force, the queen wanted
to hinder any offensive by the emperor, while she also played the long game, slowly building
up the power of her realm. But despite the Palmyrene expansion further
hindering the empire’s reunification, the Gothic problem in the Balkans remained unresolved
and Aurelian’s own position was far from stable. The first order of business for the emperor
was to strengthen his rule in the territories that were still under central control. Aurelian was an exceptional leader of armies
and he campaigned with unmatched energy . In 270 he stopped a Iuthungian invasion of
northern Italy, fighting a series of actions before defeating them in a decisive battle
on the Danube. He caught them in the middle of crossing the
river, weighed down with plunder and prisoners. However, while he was consolidating his power
in Italy, the Pannonian frontier was left vulnerable to attack, and an army of Vandals
crossed the river in force, pillaging the region. Later that year he tasked Placidianus with
defending Italy against a possible attack by the Gallic Empire, before departing east
to set up his headquarters in Siscia. It was here that he assumed his consulship
on New Year’s day 271 AD. This office would normally have been assumed
at Rome and it was unusual for an emperor to assume the consulship without even setting
foot in the old capital. This was a further sign of the diminishing
role of Rome in imperial pomp at this time. By now, the season had advanced, making it
difficult for the Vandals to live off the land, and knowing that the enemy was not equipped
for siege warfare, Aurelian evacuated the livestock and food supplies into the fortified
cities. Once he was satisfied that the war of attrition
had weakened the barbarians and that his own supply lines were established, he marched
to meet the Vandals. The campaign was a grueling affair, but after
an indecisive first battle the barbarians were subsequently defeated
in the Pannonian interior. The Vandals sued for peace, handing over hostages
and providing 2,000 horsemen for the Roman army, and the Romans provided them with supplies
for their journey back to the Danube. The emperor, however, had little respite in
which to savour his victory, and in early 271 he was forced to march back west. The Iuthungi had returned, this time probably
with a coalition of other Germanic tribes, launching a major invasion of Italy. They destroyed numerous towns and countryside
in the Po Valley, before pushing south, threatening Rome itself. At first, Aurelian's army suffered an ambush
at Placentia, but he managed to regroup his battered army and follow the trail of devastation
that marked the enemy’s route down the Adriatic coast. Knowing that the Romans were on their heels,
the barbarians stayed on the march, aiming to cross the Apennines towards the capital. But Aurelian managed to catch up with them. On the banks of the Metaurus river, just inland
from Fanum, he achieved a major victory in the Battle of Fano. Subsequently he pushed the invaders back across
the Po River, before dealing a crushing defeat to the Iuthungi in the battle of Ticinum. This victory broke the strength of the tribes
along the Upper Danube and put an end to Germanic invasions against Italy until the times of
Alaric in the 400s, nearly 150 years later. Meanwhile, the invasion caused panic in Rome
itself, and this, combined with the endemic corruption, had sparked a major rebellion
against the emperor. Aurelian force-marched his army to the capital,
defeated the rebels and executed the conspirators, using the crisis to purge the political landscape
of his rivals as well, many of whom had supported Quintillus. Usurpers in Dalmatia and southern Gaul, seeking
to exploit the chaos, were either defeated in battle or assassinated, and construction
began on a massive new system of walls to better protect the capital. But again, Aurelian had no time to waste. After briefly overseeing work on the new defenses,
the emperor marched back east to the Balkans. Due to his elevation to the purple and the
resulting power struggle in Rome, the Gothic war remained unfinished business. And now the ranks of marauding bands had swelled,
posing a great menace to Thrace. They were led by King Cannabas. This Goth was possibly none other than King
Cniva, who had famously destroyed the army of the emperor Decius at the battle of Abritus
twenty years prior – an event etched in the memory of the Romans. By the time Aurelian arrived with his army,
the Goths had already inflicted considerable damage. But, in a stunning twist, the Roman emperor
inflicted on them a crushing defeat. However, unlike his predecessors he did not
stop there. Rather, crossing the Danube, he invaded their
homeland and scored a decisive victory over king Cannabas, who was killed in combat. The Roman army then proceeded to sack Gothic
settlements and lay waste to their lands. And in a planned propaganda move, countless
captive women were deported to Rome, to be later displayed dressed as Amazons in Aurelian’s
triumph. This was the most decisive victory a Roman
army had in this region throughout the troubled third century. Then, in a radical rethinking of regional
strategy, the emperor withdrew Rome’s military and administrative presence from Dacia. The province had been weakly garrisoned since
the reign of Gallienus. By abandoning it altogether, Aurelian could
rationalize the long and undermanned Danubian frontier from which he collected troops, and
repopulate the Balkans, devastated by war, with the people he evacuated from Dacia. Now , he was ready to re-take the East. Following the victory over the Goths in the
Balkans, the flagging morale of the Roman forces had been restored, and with a restructured
Danubian frontier, Aurelian could now muster strong field armies for the campaigns ahead
without compromising the empire’s security. The emperor wintered in Byzantium, making
preparations for the upcoming war with Zenobia and ensuring that the borders would be protected
in his absence. Considerable manpower was allocated to defend
the Balkans against the tribes from across the Danube. Troops were stationed in Italy to prevent
a possible return of the Alemanni and the Iuthungi. And in Narbonese Gaul, a substantial presence
of Imperial troops was required to guard against the Gallic Empire. By spring 272 Aurelian had mustered his own
army in Thrace and had completed all preparations. Zenobia, seeing that war with Aurelian was
now inevitable, had her son Vaballathus declared Augustus, and had herself proclaimed Augusta,
the traditional title of a Roman empress. But because of the Palmyrene failure to secure
Bithynia, Aurelian was easily able to secure a bridgehead and march into Asia .
He sent a second force to make a naval landing in Egypt, under the talented Marcus Aurelius
Probus, the future emperor. The logistical planning and execution of this
invasion marked Aurelian as one of the greatest military thinkers of the third century AD. His plan was a pincer movement on a massive
scale, a true master class in strategic warfare… Aurelian’s war against Zenobia had two objectives. The first was to recapture those parts of
the empire over which Zenobia had recently established her dominion. The most important of these were the wealthy
provinces of Asia Minor, with their significant tax contribution to the coffers of the imperial
government, and Egypt, with its vital supply of grain. The Mediterranean area of Syria, particularly
the city of Antioch, was of secondary, but still considerable importance. The emperor's second objective was to eliminate
Zenobia and to reduce the power of Palmyra, so as to avoid a repeat of this dangerous
situation. However, Aurelian knew that Syria would be
heavily defended and that a prolonged war there was possible. This would prevent him from reaching Egypt
by land, which he urgently needed to recover to secure a steady flow of grain, as well
as revenues from the Red Sea trade. This was the main reason for his ambitious
naval invasion to open a second front. The Roman fleet reached the Nile delta sometime
in the spring of 272. Very little is known about the campaign itself. Upon making landfall, Probus initially fought
with success, but was then nearly captured. Further reinforcements helped him gain a foothold
against the Palmyrene garrison and by early June Alexandria was safely back in Aurelian's
control. Probus then began operations to retake the
rest of Egypt. Meanwhile, after crossing into Asia Minor,
the advancing Roman column was triumphantly welcomed by the inhabitants of Bithynia, who
had successfully resisted Zenobia's domination. In Galatia, any Palmyrene troops stationed
there were certainly not numerous enough to stop Aurelian’s army and they quickly withdrew
to the south-east, bringing valuable intelligence about Aurelian's advance. With the loose Palmyrene hegemony evaporating
before him, the emperor was welcomed without a struggle by the citizens of Ancyra, the
provincial capital. After making sure that his supply lines were
secure, from here he proceeded south-east towards the Cilician gates, a chasmic pass
through the Taurus mountains that connected the Anatolian plateau with the Cilician plains
and Syria beyond. However, before he could reach the pass, his
route took him to the town of Tyana in Cappadocia, which was strategically located along the
route to Syria. The town refused to open its gates, but Aurelian
could not afford to leave a hostile garrison along his lines of supply. Angered, he ordered the city besieged, pledging
that he would not leave even a dog alive once the city had fallen .
Desirous of plunder, his soldiers pursued the siege with all the more determination. The machine-like manner with which the Romans
slowly choked the city over the course of several weeks, spread fear among some sections
of the population. With the pressure mounting, Tyana capitulated
when one of the frightened residents betrayed the city to the emperor by showing to him
a weakness in the wall. The capital of Cappadocia was now in the emperor’s
hands. But… Aurelian thought better of his previous intention
to massacre Tyana. With an insight rare among third-century emperors,
he realized that sparing the city would set a precedent far more potent in the coming
conflict. He ordered his army not to harm Tyana, thus
presenting himself to the populace as a liberator , rather than a conqueror. But his troops were none too pleased. They expected to be allowed to plunder the
city and angrily demanded that Aurelian stand by his promise .
This was indeed a dangerous move. Amidst the heightened political-military tensions
of the third century, many an emperor and usurper were lynched by their own soldiers
for refusing plunder. That Aurelian managed to survive this encounter
reflects his ability to foster strong relations with his soldiers, at a time when armies were
prone to rebellion against their commanders. Not allowing himself to be intimidated by
his men, the emperor admitted that he had indeed ordered that no dog in Tyana be allowed
to live. Accordingly , he ordered his soldiers to kill
all dogs in the city. The anger of the soldiers was dispelled by
their laughter at this response. Aurelian went on to explain his decision to
the troops: “We waged war to free these cities. If we pillage them, they will never trust
us.” This display of sound political judgement
showed that he understood that Zenobia was a formidable foe, and that he had better chances
of defeating her through clemency rather than terror. With the capture of Tyana, the way to Syria
now lay open. Aurelian’s army marched into Cilicia without
resistance, likely passing through Tarsus, the provincial capital, before heading east
through Issus, where Alexander the Great had won his famous victory over the Persians. From here, the Roman emperor reached the port
of Alexandretta. Although he had gained control over Asia Minor
with relative ease, before him now lay Syria, the heartland of Palmyrene power. Meanwhile in Egypt, Probus managed to topple
the resistance and regain control of the province. He then proceeded to march towards the Levant. He pressed the Palmyrenes from the south and
perhaps secured the loyalty of the Cyrenean Third Legion in Arabia, which had been previously
subdued and its general killed by Zenobia. To address this, Zabdas detached a considerable
force, in anticipation of Probus’ advance on Palmyra. Having lost Alexandria, the queen now had
one remaining mint under her control in Antioch. Knowing that this would be Aurelian’s first
objective in Syria, it was here that she and her generals stationed Palmyra’s forces
in preparation for the Roman advance… Aurelian’s army consisted of legionary detachments
drawn from Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia and Moesia, as well as praetorians and Moorish and Dalmatian
cavalry, who served as elite mounted units. Zabdas’ army consisted of Palmyrenes and
other Syrians, but also various other Roman units that had declared their loyalty to Queen
Zenobia’s family. Palmyra’s greatest advantage over Aurelian’s
army was their clibanarii or super-heavy cavalry. These mounted units were better armoured and
more numerous than Aurelian’s Dalmatians and Moors. The Roman emperor began crossing over the
mountains. He had received unwelcome reports that the
Palmyrenes lay between him and Antioch. Zabdas drew up his army in the Orontes plain,
on the western side of the Lake of Antioch, to the north of the city. Here, he could intercept Aurelian’s advance
along the road from Alexandretta, at a narrow point where the flat terrain was especially
well suited to the battle tactics of the Palmyrene heavy-mailed cavalry. However, Aurelian refused to fight Zabdas
on the battlefield of his own choosing. Knowing that a direct assault would be to
surrender operational and tactical advantage to the enemy, he instead decided to march
to the east of the lake, seeking to outflank the Palmyrene position. This maneuver had three advantages:
First, the Palmyrenes anticipated a frontal assault from the north and might become confused
by an attack from their rear. Second, he would block the enemy’s line
of retreat to the east, and if could reach the city he could also close off the road
leading south. Lastly, the terrain south of the lake was
less suited to Zabdas’s formidable cataphracts. However, the Palmyrene general got wind of
Aurelian’s maneuver. Having already stationed a small contingent
to guard the road to Beroea , he sent his elite heavy cavalry to bolster their ranks. He could ill afford to lose his line of retreat,
so it was imperative that they intercept Aurelian’s army on the plain to the east of the lake,
before they could reach the hilly terrain further south, where his cavalry would be
at a disadvantage. The emperor’s scouts soon brought back reports
of Palmyrene movements. Realizing he had lost the element of surprise,
Aurelian led most of his cavalry ahead of the main body of the army. He was well aware of the fearsome reputation
of the clibanarii, and did not want to risk his infantry against Zabdas’ heavy cavalry. It was a hot June morning. The Roman emperor marched at pace well ahead
of the rest of the army, with a cavalry contingent of around 5,000-strong, hoping to outflank
Zabdas at Antioch. With him he had the veteran Dalmatian and
Moorish light cavalry, which had been under Aurelian’s command for a number of years
before he became emperor, serving as the elite cavalry arm of the Roman army. They were a tactically astute branch of the
military, capable of executing battle plans across vast distances with precision, and
had participated in numerous campaigns, often being the deciding factor in major engagements. However, Aurelian found that his way was blocked
by the Palmyrene heavily armoured cavalry, arrayed on the Antioch-Beroea road . Zabdas’
cataphracts were of even better quality than Aurelian’s Dalmatians and Moors. These troops had been forged in the fire of
the Persian wars and perhaps represented the very pinnacle of cavalry warfare in the Third
Century AD. It is likely that Zabdas fielded up to 5,000
of these troops at Immae, but their exact strength and composition remains unclear. The Palmyrenes traditionally used light cavalry
and dromedary archers, so it is possible that these heavy cavalry units were not local and
were in fact cataphracts of the Roman army in the East, which were controlled by Queen
Zenobia. Rome employed such units as an answer to Persian
cataphracts, and they would’ve been controlled by Zenobia’s husband before he was assassinated. This further confirms that the conflict between
Rome and Palmyra was in fact a civil war. Despite this, ancient sources, descended from
Aurelian’s propaganda, portrayed Palmyra as an external enemy, even though they were
an integral part of the empire for centuries. Further evidence of this propaganda can be
seen in their portrayal of Zenobia as an eastern barbarian, a foreigner, despite her family
having SENATORIAL status. The fact she was of Syrian descent was clearly
used against her by the central imperial government. Aurelian presented Zenobia’s son as an illegitimate
ruler, but ironically, it was Aurelian himself who lacked senatorial status before he took
power. He was an Illyrian general who killed his
way to the throne, overthrowing Quintilius and, according to some sources, he played
a role in the assassination of emperor Gallienus. Aurelian did eventually get senatorial support,
but he had earned it through brute force. Likewise, the troops from both armies used
to be part of the Roman military before the war At Immae, the two commanders fielded their
best mounted contingents, both understanding the importance of the opening encounter. Around mid-morning, Aurelian gave the signal. On the other end, Zabdas rose to the challenge. Undoubtedly, the heavily armoured cataphracts
were encouraged, seeing the light Dalmatian and Moorish cavalry. Little did they know that Aurelian was one
of the finest cavalry commanders of his time. Just before the first charge of the enemy
he instructed his men to wheel about and not risk close-quarters combat with their heavier
counterparts. The light-armed cavalry feigned retreat, inviting
the enemy to give chase. This encouraged the Palmyrenes to press forward,
in anticipation of an easy victory. Whenever a minor clash occurred, Aurelian’s
lighter units would flee. With each charge of Zabdas’ cataphracts,
the nimble Dalmatians and Moors used their speed to avoid the confrontation and retreat
along the main road towards the town of Immae. The Palmyrenes pursued the Romans for several
kilometres. Soon enough, the Syrian midday sun began taking
its toll. True to the word clibanarius, meaning ‘oven-man’,
the Palmyrene clibanarii and their horses suffered in the heat, having maintained the
chase in their heavy armour. Aurelian noticed the exhaustion of the enemy. On cue, he turned his cavalry and counter-charged
the pursuers. Taken by surprise, the clibanarii could not
put up an effective resistance, nor flee their nimble enemy. The slaughter was terrible. The tired heavy horsemen were either slain
in their saddles, or thrown of their horses and mangled by the hooves of friend and foe. Few managed to escape the carnage and find
their way back to Antioch. Aurelian’s tactics at Immae relied on the
veteran Dalmatian and Moorish cavalry, their steely discipline, courage, and their ability
to co-ordinate an effective and timely counter-attack after retreating a great distance. Their deadly efficiency demonstrated the emperor’s
tactical expertise, as well as his experience as a cavalry commander. In one fell swoop, he had dealt a crippling
blow to Palmyra’s most powerful military asset, their vaunted heavily armoured cavalry. However , further to the south, the Palmyrenes
still possessed cavalry that far outnumbered those available to the emperor, including
a reserve of cataphracts. Aurelian knew that the battle had by no means
secured the defeat of Zenobia’s regime and that the outcome of the war was yet
to be decided… In light of the battle of Immae, Zenobia arrived
in Antioch with her own retinue to bolster morale The unwelcome news that her heavily-armoured
clibanarii had been badly defeated by lighter units surely came as unexpected. Having lost some of their best cavalry and
needing reinforcements, the Palmyrene position at Antioch had become untenable, and there
was a real danger of encirclement if they chose to stay and fight. But a hasty retreat would've spread panic
and could prompt the citizens to rise against the Palmyrenes in order to gain favour with
the victor. Fearing betrayal by the people of Antioch,
Zabdas employed a clever ruse to buy some time. He fabricated a victory at Immae ... To back up his claim he found a man who resembled
Aurelian in age and build, dressed him in clothes that looked somewhat imperial, and
then paraded him in chains through the city's streets, giving off the impression that the
Palmyrenes had not only won the battle, but had captured the Roman emperor alive. Their ruse, however, would only last for so
long, as Aurelian’s army would appear in front of the city walls, in no more than a
day. While the people enjoyed the procession and
the subsequent celebrations, Zenobia and Zabdas made preparations to abandon the city.
The following night, they slipped out of Antioch under the cover of darkness and marshalled
their army south to Emesa. Despite this setback, Queen Zenobia remained
defiant. She still possessed cavalry reserves that
far outnumbered those available to the enemy. Her army was more than capable of stopping
Aurelian and turning the tide of the war… When the sun rose the next day, the citizens
of Antioch were in for a rude awakening. Seeing that the Palmyrenes had retreated,
many who had staunchly supported Zenobia feared reprisals from Aurelian. Some of the officials and aristocrats fled
into the surrounding countryside. Meanwhile, the Roman emperor was encamped
some 20 kilometers east of the city, still unaware that Zabdas had withdrawn his troops. Having dealt a blow to the enemy’s heavy
cavalry, Aurelian could now safely deploy his infantry against Antioch and send the
cavalry around the city to encircle the Palmyrene position. It was only sometime after daybreak that he
learned of Zenobia’s complete withdrawal and he marched to the city
at once… Once at Antioch, Aurelian was met with opened
gates and a warm reception. The city clearly tried to do everything not
to provoke the emperor. For his part, Aurelian showed that he was
not interested in retribution. Upon learning that some of the city’s elites
had fled in fear of reprisals, he issued a general pardon to all citizens of Antioch But his political maneuvering didn’t stop
there . He published edicts far and wide, advertising to the people of Syria that he
considered those who had collaborated with Zenobia to have done so under pressure, rather
than of their own free will, thus absolving them of any penalties. This calculated policy of clemency immediately
had a desired effect. His troops were welcomed by the locals. Bartering for provisions brought business
to local markets, craftsmen, and shopkeepers. And, most importantly for the emperor’s
long term planning, the wealthy elite that had fled Antioch returned to the city with
gratitude. Moreover, a march further into Syria would
likely be met with much less hostility and, crucially, the large fortified cities were
now less likely to offer resistance, which would otherwise force Aurelian into prolonged
and costly sieges. By embracing the wealthy Syrian aristocracy
that opposed him, the emperor not only freed up troops that he needed for the war against
Zenobia, but also secured the local logistical support for his army in Syria. However, Aurelian was detained at Antioch
for a time due to administrative and military considerations. Years of Palmyrene rule, increasingly at odds
with the central imperial government, brought about changes to the administration that needed
to be addressed. First, at the fore of these issues was the
imperial mint, which Aurelian temporarily closed. Second, the emperor dealt with the growing
problem of the Christian schism by deposing Paul of Samosata, the divisive bishop of Antioch,
who had received patronage from Zenobia. On the military side of things, a pressing
issue was the Palmyrene garrison at Daphne, just south of Antioch, which had been left
behind as a rearguard by Zabdas as he withdrew south. This contingent was unlikely to pose a threat,
but its position above the strategic narrow gorges could hinder Aurelian’s advance and
inflict serious losses on his army. This made the Palmyrene contingent both impossible
to ignore and difficult to dislodge. Aurelian opted for a full frontal assault
with his infantry, who had yet to see action on the battlefield in the war against Palmyra. The legionaries formed the famed testudo formation
and attacked up the steep slopes, battling their way up the hill under a heavy rain of
missiles, including darts and stones. With their shields closed together over their
heads, Aurelian’s infantry made the ascent without suffering heavy losses. And once atop the hill, they made short work
of breaking through the enemy defenses. They put the Palmyrenes to flight in such
disorder that some were driven over the cliff’s edge and were dashed to pieces on the precipices
below. Such a direct assault would’ve otherwise
been considered reckless, but in contrast with his public show of clemency, Aurelian
made sure to demonstrate to everyone his capability to deal swiftly with any dissent. The secondary military reason that delayed
the emperor was reinforcements. Aurelian welcomed contingents from the recently
retaken Tyana, as well as the various other towns of Cappadocia, all on their way to join
the emperor’s army. He deliberately waited to provoke defections
of other Roman units in the east, who abandoned Zenobia’s cause and joined Aurelian. To the south, Marcus Aurelius Probus was similarly
delayed while he welcomed defections of various military units from Phoenicia and Palestine. At last ready to move south, Aurelian was
received with open arms by the towns and villages along his itinerary, most notably the cities
of Apamea, Larissa, and Arethusa. However, he soon came upon the army of Zenobia
and Zabdas. Zabdas drew up the Palmyrene army on the plains
north of Emesa, some 50,000 strong. His host was reinforced with large numbers
of clibanarii to replace those who had been lost in the previous encounter. And this time, the battlefield was of his
own choosing, well suited for mailed heavy cavalry. Aurelian’s ranks, meanwhile, had swelled
as well. He had crossed into Asia with some 36,000
troops, but reinforcements from the newly conquered eastern provinces brought his army
up to around 45,000. Both commanders stationed their cavalry on
the flanks, and infantry in the center. The Palmyrene cavalry arm was superior, not
only because of their armour, but also their superior numbers. In addition to their clibanarii, the Palmyrenes
probably also employed elite Osrhoenian armoured horse-archers and Palmyra’s local light
cavalry and dromedary archer units. Again the Roman emperor took the initiative. His infantry, interspersed with veterans from
the campaigns against the Iuthungi, Vandals and Goths, were tasked with breaking their
counterparts. Meanwhile, he planned to keep the Palmyrene
cavalry occupied. He feared that the superior numbers of the
enemy cavalry would allow Zabdas to hit his infantry on the flanks. Marcellinus, one of his most trusted lieutenants,
was to use his own cavalry to deter an envelopment through the use of non-committal tactics of
harassment. If successful, the clibanarii and Zenobia’s
other mounted units would not be able to commit to an envelopment of Aurelian’s centre,
so long as the fast-moving Dalmatians and Moors were in a position to outmaneuver them
and hit them on the flanks. But Zabdas had learned from his prior defeat… He ordered his heavy cavalry to advance on
the enemy at a slower pace, to give the impression that they would again fall into the trap of
a feigned retreat. But… they waited for the opportune moment
when the enemy came-in too close, before charging at full gallop! The battle did not begin as Aurelian had hoped. He had ordered his mounted units to withdraw
before the charge of the enemy and fight an evasive battle of harassment. But the clibanarii pursued the emperor’s
cavalry with such ferocity, that they were unable to maintain their distance. Locked in close quarters fighting, and also
facing ranged attacks from Zabdas’ horse archers and dromedary archers, the Dalmatians
and Moors were hard-pressed, and many fell. But despite their troubles , they kept their
discipline and successfully occupied Zenobia’s cavalry, buying time for the infantry in the
center. After facing down a Palmyrene rain of arrow
fire, Aurelians’ infantry charged the enemy formation, their momentum driving back Zabdas’
center . However, the situation for the Dalmatians
and Moors on the flanks was critical. What was supposed to be an orderly tactical
withdrawal was close to becoming a rout. If their lines faltered, the whole army would
quickly become surrounded. Aurelian decided to gamble … Seeing the trouble his cavalry were in,
he detached infantry from the main line, to wheel
about and aid the embattled flanks. This action sapped the forward push of his
units in the center, and Zabdas was immediately able to counter. Aurelian’s veterans held firm, but the less
experienced troops fared badly, their lines faltering against superior numbers of the
Palmyrene infantry. But… just as the battle seemed lost, Aurelian’s
gamble proved decisive. Zabdas’ clibanarii brought the full force
of their charge upon Aurelian’s cavalry. But in doing so their own formation had fragmented
into smaller groups as they made every effort to chase down the nimble riders. Aurelian’s infantry exploited the gaps,
where the club-armed Palestinians were especially effective in the tight spaces. Their blunt weapons proved devastating against
the heavily armored Palmyrene cavalrymen. Marcellinus rallied the cavalry and the clibanarii
began taking many casualties. Their formations held fast and repelled repeated
attacks. But… overwhelmed and attacked from two sides,
their numbers dwindled and the survivors fled the field. By this time in the centre, Aurelian’s infantry
formation had stabilized and was slowly chipping away at Zabdas’ line. Seeing that the battle is lost, the remaining
Palmyrene troops lost heart… That Aurelian and his infantry were able to
respond to a critically dangerous situation with such flexibility in the heat of battle,
and thereby win both the infantry and cavalry engagements, while his cavalry retained their
discipline when hard-pressed, reflects both the veterancy of his men, honed through years
of military crisis, and their confidence in his strong leadership. The few Palmyrene survivors staggered back
to Emesa. After an impromptu council of war with her
generals and advisors, Zenobia decided to retreat to the relative safety of Palmyra
itself. With Aurelian closing in fast, the queen and
her retinue abandoned the royal treasury in their haste. The Emesenes threw open their gates to the
emperor, but he did not dwell there for long. Rather than returning to Apamea in the north,
and then taking a south-easterly route to the city of Palmyra, Aurelian led his army
in direct pursuit via the shorter but more dangerous easterly route, from Emesa across
the treacherous dry steppe. His army was harassed by the raids of brigands,
but they soon arrived at the trade metropolis Palmyra did not possess a circuit wall at this time, and Zenobia’s troops could do
little more than to occupy strategic points in the hope of stopping the enemy. The queen hoped that the stores and granaries
inside her city would enable her to outlast the enemy. However, the city was hopelessly surrounded… Moreover, Aurelian took great care to cut
off the approach of a force of Persians, perhaps mercenaries, who had arrived to assist Palmyra. He also received assistance and supplies from
the Arabic Tanukh Confederation, who were enemies of Zenobia. Zenobia needed outside help. She slipped out of the city during the night
on a dromedary and travelled east, intending to meet with the Persian king Bahram I to
secure his support. But it was not to be. Aurelian was alerted to her escape and sent
cavalry in pursuit. They caught up with her as she was attempting
to cross the Euphrates by boat, and brought her to the emperor. The people of Palmyra were initially divided,
with some wishing to continue the fight. But Aurelian’s reconciliatory policy fostered
a series of defections, which eventually persuaded the city’s inhabitants that they could trust
in Aurelian’s mercy. He entered the city in triumph and distributed
much of its wealth to his soldiers. The war had been won… Aurelian now faced the difficult task of restructuring
the eastern frontier, which had fallen into disarray during the war with Palmyra. The Persians would have surely sought to capitalize
on the crisis Rome was facing, but they faced their own internal problems following the
death of Shapur I in 270 AD. Needless to say, the Persians were now anxious
to avoid a full scale war with the victorious Aurelian. Thus, the emperor was able to reach an understanding
with Bahram I. He entrusted the reintegration of the Syrian
provinces into the empire and the restructuring of the eastern frontier to Marcellinus, one
of his most reliable marshals. With the affairs of Palmyra and the eastern
border arranged to his satisfaction, Aurelian returned to Emesa where he put Zenobia and
some of her key supporters on trial. It was here that some of Zenobia’s most
prominent supporters, faced the harshest punishment including Cassius Longinus, an intellectual
from Emesa. Zenobia herself was spared, but not out of
any regard for the dignity of her position. Aurelian was aware that the formidable queen
came close to defeating the imperial war machine and undoubtedly still enjoyed much support
in the east. Thus, she was paraded through the cities of
Syria on the back of a camel and, according to one source, was chained up on a high structure
in Antioch for three days. Such humiliation was not prompted by cruelty,
but by calculated political considerations – the myth of a powerful Zenobia had to
be dispelled and any sympathies for her cause had to be diminished in the urban centers,
if Aurelian’s position as emperor was to be secure. Having finally felt he had brought stability
to the east, Aurelian assumed the title: Restorer of the World, and embarked on a journey west
with his hostages and the vast wealth plundered from Palmyra. His ultimate propaganda goal was to display
Zenobia and Vaballathus in Rome during his triumphant return. While the preparations for this elaborate
procession were being made, in 273 AD Aurelian was detained in Thrace and Moesia, having
to campaign against an invasion by the Carpi. But trouble was again brewing in the east. Some of Palmyra’s leading men sought to
revive their political fortunes, and attempted to persuade Marcellinus to usurp as emperor Playing for time with vague answers, Marcellinus
remained loyal and informed the emperor of what was happening. Growing impatient, the conspirators then clothed
a certain Antiochus in the imperial purple. Incensed, Aurelian hastened back east with
minimal preparations. Through a series of forced marches he arrived
at Antioch, surprising the inhabitants who were attending a horse race. From there he rushed to Palmyra, catching
the conspirators off guard and taking the city without a fight. This time however, there would be no mercy. Although he spared Antiochus as a man of insignificant
birth, who was clearly propped up by the wealthy elites, the emperor’s soldiers were given
permission to strip the city bare and take as much plunder as they could carry. Palmyra would never again pose a threat to
Rome. However, the emperor had no time to waste. He hastened south to deal with an insurgency
in Alexandria. This rebellion was led by adherents to Zenobia
wishing to avoid punishment, led by a man name Firmus .
In the fierce fighting that followed, much of the prosperous Bruchion district, which
included the Ptolemaic royal palace, was destroyed. Aurelian crushed the rebellion and had Firmus
strangled to death. In 274, the victorious emperor turned his
attention to the Gallic Empire. This final campaign of reunification consisted
of both diplomacy and ferocious fighting on the battlefield. The Gallic emperor Victorinus had been assassinated
in 271, and his successor Tetricus was both fearful of Aurelian and anxious about sedition
within his own forces. Being aware of Aurelian’s reputation for
clemency, Tetricus wrote a letter to Aurelian, offering to surrender. However, it appears that Aurelian would only
accept his surrender if he offered up his army as a sacrifice. And so, in the autumn of 274 Tetricus conspired
with Aurelian to meet in battle on the Catalaunian Plains, an open expanse of land that would
have favoured Aurelian’s cavalry, including perhaps the former surviving catraphracts
of Zenobia. Tetricus led forth his army, only to then
abandon them and ride over to Aurelian’s side of the battlefield in a show of surrender. However, the Romano-Gallic army was an experienced
force. They had successfully crushed Germans, usurpers
and rebel cities, and had twice defeated the excellent military emperor Gallienus. They were still a cohesive and strong enough
force to fight Aurelian without their emperor. Nevertheless, the Gallic army was slaughtered
in a massive and hard fought battle that reunited the empire but also, due to the Gallic losses,
temporarily compromised the security of the Rhine frontier. Finally, at the end of 274, Aurelian returned
to Rome to celebrate his grand triumph over barbarians and usurpers. Tetricus and his son Tetricus II were made
to walk before Aurelian’s triumphal chariot. But also marching before Aurelian was the
once mighty queen Zenobia, a jewel in Aurelian’s crown. She was shackled in gold chains and adorned
with large gems so heavy that she could hardly walk. Aurelian's soldiers handed out free bread
to the citizens and the Emperor was hailed a hero by his subjects .
Aurelian pardoned Tetricus, rewarding him for turning over the Gallic Empire by making
him the governor of Lucania in southern Italy. Likewise, Palmyra’s moment in the sun had
come to an end, but Zenobia now embarked on a new life. Aurelian gave her an estate in Tivoli, and
she married a Roman senator. Thereafter, she lived in Italy with her children,
now a member of Rome’s senatorial elite. The ever-busy Aurelian was still not yet able
to rest. In 275 he returned to Gaul to restore the
weakened Rhine frontier, putting down Gallic unrest and defeating Germanic incursions into
both Gaul and Raetia. He then made his way to the Balkans to deal
with a new series of Gothic raids into Thrace and Asia Minor. However, Aurelian never finished this campaign. As an administrator, he was known to be strict,
handing out severe punishments to corrupt officials and soldiers. His secretary Eros feared for his life on
account of his own corruption. To save his own skin, he forged a document,
listing the names of men supposedly marked by Aurelian for execution. High ranking officers of the army were on
that list. Fearing punishment, they murdered Aurelian
in September 275 , in Thrace. Aurelian’s death prevented a full restoration
of political stability that could have ended the cycle of assassinations and civil wars. His short reign had reunified a disintegrating
empire and secured its frontiers, effectively giving Rome a new lease of life that lasted
another 200 years.
