Since the beginning of the Great Roman Civil
War, Caesar had won battles in Iberia, Greece, Anatolia and Egypt, scoring victories in all
three parts of the old world. But the final triumph was nowhere in sight - not everything
was well in Rome, his own legions were agitated, and his enemies were gathering forces in North
Africa. This video will cover Caesar’s attempts to fix internal issues, the beginning of his
campaign in North Africa, and the battle of Ruspina. It is our honor to announce that this episode
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clicking the link in the description! It is now late in 47BC, almost a year and
half since the Battle of Pharsalus. Caesar had fought Pharsalus intending it to be a
final killing blow to the Pompeian cause, and while it had been successful in severely
handicapping the Pompeians, it had failed to destroy them completely. While Caesar had
spent the last 18 months campaigning in the East, the Pompeian faction had been rebuilding
in North Africa. Leadership had initially been offered to Cicero, but he had refused,
preferring to use his political talents to try and influence the Senate in Rome. Instead,
leadership was split between Cato and Scipio. Cato was something of a natural successor;
he had consistently been one of Caesar’s most ardent opponents and wielded great influence
and prestige in the party, but he had next to no military experience. To balance this,
Metellus Scipio was appointed as the overall military commander. Scipio had a long political
career, had served as consul alongside Pompey in 52BC, had commanded an army in Greece against
Domitius Calvinus and had commanded the centre at Pharsalus. Despite these honours, Scipio
had not really proved himself as a talented general. A number of his subordinates, most
notably Labienus, were undoubtedly better commanders. Nevertheless, Scipio was given
command due to his rank, prestige and, perhaps most of all, his name. Thanks to Scipio Africanus
and Scipio Aemilianus , it was rumoured that no Scipio could be defeated in Africa.
A new Senate had been created in Utica, and a total of 14 Legions mustered, 2 belonging
to the governor of Africa Publius Attius Varus , 8 newly formed consisting of local conscripts
as well as veterans who escaped from Iberia and Greece after the defeats at Illerda and
Pharsalus, and 4 of Juba’s Numidian Legions who were armed and trained in the Roman fashion,
plus a huge amount of Numidian light infantry and cavalry, and 120 elephants. Pompey’s
son, Gnaeus, had been sent to Spain to try and capitalise on the pro-Pompeian mutiny
that had occurred during Longinus’ tenure as governor, and there was rumour that the
Pompeian faction was planning an invasion of Italy itself. Caesar was aware of the threat
and had initially planned an invasion from both the West and East; Longinus would land
his Spanish Legions and attack from the West, while Caesar would invade from Italy. Longinus’s
abysmal administration of his province had scuppered this plan, however. Caesar would
need to invade himself and without the reinforcements from Spain. Caesar’s African War was about
to begin. As Caesar returned to Italy from Asia Minor,
he visited various client kings and rulers from in and around Greece, collecting money.
Caesar had been recruiting massively throughout the Civil War, spending almost all his personal
money in the process, and the financial situation was dire. Even with the money collected from
these rulers, he still needed more. Upon his arrival in Italy, he borrowed huge sums from
individuals and cities alike. Caesar likely had no intention of repaying these huge debts,
but in his opinion, the money was being spent on the public good and so was no different
from an official tax or levy. The money was given, but it cost Caesar popularity. Caesar
was well aware of this fact, however, and worked hard to keep the people on side . Clearly,
Caesar was well aware that to win any war, it is vital that the population at large is
kept on side. There was one other major issue that Caesar
needed to resolve before he could begin the invasion of Africa. Four of his veteran Legions
left in Campania and picked to be part of the African campaign had mutinied a couple
of months before Caesar’s arrival in Italy. These Legions had been campaigning continuously
for 13 years and had been promised payment and discharge following the Battle of Pharsalus.
Caesar’s campaigns in Egypt and the East had delayed this, and with their general gone
for almost a year, Antony had lost control, the Legions going so far as looting wealthy
estates around Rome and even killing two Senators who had tried to negotiate with them. Four
veteran Legions presented a very serious threat if they could not be placated; Caesar recognised
this danger and even garrisoned Rome. He was advised not to risk negotiating in person,
but Caesar knew that these men were some of his best soldiers and would be much needed
in the campaigns to come. He met them alone at the Campus Martius.
In reality, the legions were attempting to bluff Caesar, hoping that Caesar would not
allow them to be discharged and they would then push for more pay. Caesar called their
bluff and disbanded them on the spot. Calling them citizens, rather than soldiers, he promised
they would all be paid in full and with interest after his conquest of Africa and subsequent
triumph with other Legions. Caesar continued, allotting the men land from public holdings,
as well as from his own. Caesar concluded by saying “I really have no further need
of you. Yet even so I will pay you the rewards, that no one may say that after using you in
danger I later showed myself ungrateful, even though you were unwilling to join my campaign
while perfectly strong in body and able to carry through all the wars that remain".
The legionaries were stunned. They considered themselves indispensable to Caesar and were
shamed by how readily Caesar would use other Legions to finish the war they had helped
start, as well as by how generously and quickly he would reward them. For these men, Caesar
was everything. They had become wealthy and famous under his leadership; now they had
attempted to blackmail him, had their bluff called and were being put out to pasture.
The Legions then asked whether they could volunteer to join Caesar in Africa, but Caesar
simply turned his back and began to walk away. Desperately, the men begged him to stay and
re-enlist them. Caesar feigned indifference, before agreeing to reinstate all but the 10th
Legion. This Legion was his favourite, and he made it clear that he was insulted that
they in particular had joined the mutiny. Stung by his words, the 10th requested that
Caesar decimate the Legion, killing 1 in every 10 men, as punishment so that they might be
taken back into his favour. Again, Caesar feigned indifference, before relenting and
accepting the Legion back without punishment. Caesar did keep a list of the leading figures
of the mutiny, and assigned them to other Legions in particularly dangerous provinces,
but overall it had been a brilliant success; all 4 Legions were brought back into the fold
without a sesterce being spent, or a drop of blood shed. It was a prime example of the
importance of the persona and personality of Caesar; no other man at the time could
have spoken to the Legions and reached such a conclusion.
With the Legions once again under control, Caesar could finally begin his invasion and
he ordered 10 Legions to gather in Lilybaeum, Sicily, around late December. Word had reached
Caesar of the rumour that no Scipio could be defeated in Africa, and to counter these
he quickly found a minor member of the Scipio family to include in his officers’ staff;
he too now had a Scipio in his army. The veteran Legions in Campania were still being organised
for the campaign, but 6 Legions were ready in Lilybaeum; 5 were relatively recently raised
and untested one was Caesar’s veteran 5th Legion and some cohorts of the 10th which
had been stationed in Brundisium. Caesar was eager to sail as soon as possible, but the
mutiny had delayed his plans and he was now faced with bad weather. Never one for waiting
he embarked his men and ordered them to Africa at the first sign of a lull in the storms.
Caesar spent two days in Sicily giving instructions for the rest of his army when they arrived
on the island, before setting sail himself on the 25th December.
He reached the African coast on the 28th December, landing near Hadrumetum. In his eagerness
to attack quickly, Caesar had risked the storms, and though most his warships had managed to
cross safely, many of his transports had been scattered, leaving him with just 3,000 infantry
and 150 cavalry. Hadrumetum itself was under Optimate control, garrisoned by 10,000 Romans
and Numidians under the command of Gaius Considius Longus and Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso. Caesar
encamped just outside of the city on the coast. His men’s morale was low due to the uncoordinated
crossing, and they were blaming Caesar because, in his haste, he had not issued clear, written
and sealed orders to his lieutenants as he usually did. They were right: Caesar’s obsession
with being quick had, this time, backfired. Caesar was in a dangerous position. If the
Optimates sallied out of Hadrumetum or if enemy reinforcements arrived, his small force
could be caught against the coast. Initially, Caesar attempted to negotiate with Considius,
but the messenger was killed and the message sent, unread, to Scipio. He had now spent
a day and a night around Hadrumetum and no more of his army had arrived. Caesar made
some minor probing attacks on the city, but quickly decided he had neither the numbers
nor amount of veterans needed to storm the city. To make matters worse, his scouts also
reported that a large force of Numidian cavalry was closing in.
With little choice left, Caesar broke camp and marched away from the city. As soon as
he did though, the Hadrumetum garrison sallied out, soon being joined by Juba’s cavalry
which had just arrived. They seized the deserted camp, and the Numidian cavalry began harassing
Caesar’s men, forcing Caesar to halt and form a defensive line. Clearly, this had been
the Optimate plan from the start; rather than attack Caesar in a fortified camp, where he
was known to be particularly dangerous, they had waited for a chance to catch him in the
open. Initially, it looked as though Caesar would be surrounded and caught just as Curio
had been years earlier. Unlike Curio, however, Caesar refused to allow his enemy to hold
the initiative, ordering his small numbers of cavalry to charge the Numidians.
Caesar was well aware that they did not have the numbers to win such a fight, but he was
also aware that the Numidians would retreat and skirmish, rather than engage in hand to
hand fighting. It was vital that Caesar keep his men moving, rather than stop and risk
becoming surrounded, and with his cavalry having repulsed the Numidians for the time
being, Caesar seized the opportunity ordering his Legions to continue their march with the
few veteran cohorts and cavalry at the rear. His veterans could be counted on to stand
their ground against the incoming missile fire, while the cavalry would charge and scatter
the Numidians. Though progress was slow, Caesar was able to continue this fighting withdrawal
until he reached the safety of the town of Ruspina on the 29th December. Disaster had
been averted, but Caesar was still in a precarious position.
He next moved to the town of Leptis on 1st January, where he was joined by some of his
scattered transports. As well as his men being scattered, so too had his supplies. He attempted
to forage off the land, but patrolling Numidian cavalry would ambush his men, making the task
almost impossible. He sent requests to Sardinia, Sicily and other provinces for more grain
and focused on consolidating his position. He left 6 cohorts in Leptis, 1 Legion in Ruspina,
and took 7 cohorts of veterans from the 5th and 10th to the harbour, boarding his warships.
He did not inform any of his men of what his plan was, but his veterans were confident
that Caesar would have a winning strategy. In fact, Caesar’s plan was to set sail with
the veterans to find the rest of his scattered fleet. Caesar had not told his men this, because
he was nervous that the garrisons in Ruspina or Leptis might be captured and reveal his
plans. Clearly, Caesar was rattled and being cautious. Fortunately, the next day, a large
number of the lost transports arrived, bringing much needed numbers. With this larger force,
he could now attempt to forage in security. He made camp at Ruspina, and then, on the
4th January, set out with around 15,000 men, approximately half his total force, to forage
for supplies. After marching 3 miles from Ruspina, his scouts
brought news that the enemy was close and closing in fast. Quickly, Caesar ordered his
small contingent of cavalry and archers to join him from Ruspina while he rode ahead
with his bodyguard to confirm the information. In the distance he saw a huge dust cloud approaching
and ordered his men to prepare for battle. In total, he would have 15,000 legionaries,
400 cavalry and 150 archers. The Optimate force facing him was significant;
12,000 of mostly light infantry, 8,000 Numidian cavalry, and 1,600 heavy cavalry, made from
Gallic and Germanic mercenaries, with a smaller force of a further 1,600 Numidian cavalry
close by to reinforce. Perhaps the most dangerous aspect of the Optimate army, however, was
its commanders. The main force was commanded by Caesar’s once right-hand man, Labienus
himself, the reinforcements by Petreius. Labienus was undoubtedly the best general on the Optimate
side and his years of campaigning with Caesar had made him familiar with his tactics. Petreius
was also talented and experienced, having 30 years of military experience, including
having fought Caesar at Ilerda and Pharsalus. This would be a difficult fight.
Looking to make the most of his large number of cavalry, Labienus deployed his men in a
long tightly packed line, with infantry interspersed among cavalry in order to hide his numbers.
On both flanks, he stationed his heavier cavalry. Caesar, aware that he could easily be outflanked,
stretched his line to have as broad a front, putting what missiles he had in front and
the small amount of cavalry on the wings. He kept his men in position, not wanting to
make the initial move. With his smaller numbers, and the enemy’s cavalry advantage, he thought
it best to be defensive. Labienus, on the other hand, used his cavalry to quickly seize
the nearby highland, at the same time forcing Caesar’s cavalry to stretch thin to try
and counter any flanking attacks. Labienus was well aware of Caesar’s style of battle,
which relied upon having room to manoeuvre and using terrain advantages and had now denied
these to him. With these initial moves completed, Labienus began the battle.
He ordered his men to charge the length of Caesar’s line, Caesar’s legions counter
charging at the last minute. As they did though, the Numidian cavalry fell back, while the
infantry hidden among them pinned Caesar’s infantry. The Numidians then skirmished back
and forth, pelting Caesar’s line with javelins. His men attempted to charge the cavalry to
chase them off, but Caesar gave strict orders for his men to hold the line. Meanwhile, on
the flanks, Caesar’s cavalry, badly outnumbered, had been routed after a brief but brave struggle.
Labienus now had Caesar’s force entirely surrounded.
At this point, Labienus removed his helmet and rode around the surrounded Caesareans,
encouraging his men and mocking Caesar’s, attempting to demoralise them. He mocked them
as being raw recruits, and for being foolhardy for following Caesar and being caught in their
current predicament. A veteran of the 10th Legion from one of the cohorts who had crossed
with Caesar, recognised Labienus. Removing his helmet, he threw his javelin, shouting
out that Labienus would know he was being attacked by a soldier of the Tenth. Labienus’
horse was killed, and Labienus was taken from the battlefield after it fell on him. Nevertheless,
Caesar’s men were still struggling, attacked from all sides and they could do little except
protect themselves from the hail of missiles from the Numidian troops. It was a dire situation
and panic was spreading, and an aquilifer even attempted to flee, forcing Caesar to
grab him, turn him to face the enemy and push him forward to the front.
The day was coming to an end, and Caesar knew that he needed to reach his defences around
Ruspina before nightfall or else lose his army. He ordered every other cohort to turn
around, his line now fighting on two fronts, and gave the order for them to throw a hail
of pila and charge in both directions. It is a testament to the training of the Roman
Legions that such a manoeuvre could be organised and executed in the midst of battle. Taken
by surprise by this sudden attack, the Numidian light infantry and cavalry pulled back to
skirmish and avoid hand-to-hand fighting. Caesar seized the opportunity and began withdrawing
his force from the battlefield as quickly as possible.
As he did, Petreius arrived with his reinforcements. With these fresh troops, the Optimate force
pursued Caesar’s men looking to re-engage. This time, Caesar took the initiative, ordering
his men turn and charge their pursuers. Petreius was wounded in the skirmish, while the Numidians
once again fell back not wanting to be pinned in melee. This time, Caesar continued to push
them back over the high ground. Caesar paused his men here, waiting to see if the enemy
would attack now that he had the terrain advantage. The Optimates were exhausted, had both commanders
injured and had inflicted as much damage as they could in a day. They each withdrew to
their camp, Caesar’s men also withdrawing to Ruspina.
The casualties for both armies are not known, but given the encirclement of the Caesarion
troops, it is likely that they suffered more than the Optimates. Caesar had very nearly
lost the entire campaign. If Labienus had not been wounded, he may have been able to
better control the Optimate army and kept the pressure on Caesar, leaving no chance
for him to escape. But Caesar was saved by his own strategic talent, his men’s training,
and luck with the wounding of both enemy commanders. Nevertheless, Caesar had managed to avoid
having his whole army destroyed as had happened to Curio. He would be able to consolidate,
and seek a more favourable engagement later. Caesar’s African War was not yet over, so
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