Prime Minister Cameron: Good
afternoon, and welcome. It's great to welcome
President Obama again, on his fifth visit to
the United Kingdom. Barack has been President
for more than seven years; I've been Prime Minister
for nearly six years. And our two countries have
been working together through some of the most
difficult and troubled global times. We faced the aftermath of
the banking crisis, the need to revive growth and create
jobs in our economies, new threats to our security from
Russia in the east to the rise of Islamist terrorists
in the south, and, of course, huge global
challenges like Ebola and climate change. And through it all, the
strong and essential partnership between our
nations has never been more important. When, 70 years ago last
month, Winston Churchill first described the special
relationship, it was not merely and enduring
expression of friendship, it was a way of
working together. It was about two nations,
kindred spirits who share the same values and, so
often, the same approaches to the many issues
that we face. And just as for our
predecessors, that has been true for Barack and me,
whether we're working to deliver economic security,
national security, or new, emerging challenges. And today, we've been
discussing all three. On economic security, we've
succeeded in getting our economies growing and
creating jobs for our people. The global economy still
faces serious challenges, but last year, Britain and
the United States were the two fastest-growing major
economies in the world. And we both know just how
important trade deals are in driving global growth. So Barack and I remain among
the most determined to achieve our vision of
a U.S.-EU trade deal. And we're working hard to
push this forward because it would add billions to our
economies and set the standards for the rest
of the world to follow. On national security,
together with our partners in the EU, we've used our
economic muscle to avoid the calamity of an Iranian
nuclear weapon. We've delivered sanctions
against Russia in response to its aggression
against Ukraine. We've secured the first-ever
global and legally binding deal on climate change,
being formally signed today by over 150 governments
at the United Nations. And we've transformed the
way that we use our aid, our diplomacy and our military
together to make progress on some of the most difficult
issues of our time. For example, in East Africa,
we've helped to turn around the prospects for Somalia. For instance, thanks to
an EU operation, led by Britain, supported by
America, its waters are no longer a safe
haven for pirates. And in West Africa, British
leadership in Europe secured a billion euros to support
our efforts in helping the people of the region to
defeat the outbreak of Ebola, with Britain taking
the lead in Sierra Leone, the United States in
Liberia, France in Guinea. But just as we've made
important progress in all these areas, so there are
many more that need a lot more work. There's no doubt that the
situation in Libya is immensely challenging,
but we now finally have a Government of National
Accord with whom we can work. While in Syria and Iraq, we
are continuing coalition efforts to defeat
and degrade Daesch. More than 25,000 Daesch
fighters have now been killed, over 600 in
the last month alone. With the total number of
Daesch fighters, they're estimated to be at its
lowest for about two years. The Iraqi security forces
are steadily pushing Daesch out of its territory,
this week almost entirely clearing them out
of the town of Hit. And in Syria, our partners
have liberated the last Kurdish areas in the
northeast and cut off the main route between
Raqqa and Mosul. We also discussed efforts
to deal with the migration crisis. This doesn't directly affect
the United States, and in the UK, we've maintained our
borders and we will continue to do so. But we both know the
challenge this poses to our friends and our allies, and
to the continent of Europe. This is the sort of
challenge that can only be tackled effectively through
international cooperation. NATO is helping to reduce
the number of migrants in the Eastern Mediterranean. And Barack and I have
discussed how NATO might now contribute to the EU's
efforts in the Central Mediterranean, too. We also need to do more to
break the business model of the people smugglers,
so, together with our EU partners and the Libyan
government, we'll look at whether there's more we can
do to strength the Libyan Coast Guard. Barack and I will be
discussing this further when we meet with the leaders of
France, Germany and Italy in Hannover on Monday. And this will be another
opportunity to show how, working together,
collectively, we can better protect ourselves from
the threats that we face. We also covered a number of
new and emerging challenges where it will be more
important than ever that we work together with our
international partners to identify problems and
deal with them rapidly. Just as we've done with
Ebola, we now need the same international cooperation on
dealing with the Zika virus, on the challenge of
antimicrobial resistance, on cybersecurity and on
tackling corruption. Britain is holding a big
anticorruption summit here in London next month, which
Secretary Kerry will attend. And Barack and I have talked
today about some of the things we wanted to achieve. One of the biggest problems
is that if you're a country that wants to take action
against corruption you have to go all around the
globe to lobby for help. So we'd like to see an
international anticorruption coordination center to help
law enforcement agencies and investigators work together
right across different jurisdictions. And if we get international
agreement on this next month, both Britain and
America will help contribute to set it up. All this work we have done
together, and at the same time, I think we've got to
know each other very well. I'm honored to have
Barack as a friend. He's taught me the
rules of basketball. He's beaten me
at table tennis. I remember very fondly the
barbecue we had in Number 10 Downing Street, serving
servicemen and women who serve our countries together
here in the United Kingdom. I've always found Barack
someone who gives sage advice. He's a man with a very good
heart, and been a very good friend, and always will be a
good friend, I know, to the United Kingdom. Let me finish
by saying this. In all the areas we
discussed today our collective power and reach
is amplified by Britain's membership of the
European Union. Let me be clear. When it comes to the special
relationship between our two countries, there's no
greater enthusiast than me. I'm very proud to have the
opportunity to be Prime Minister and to stand
outside the White House, listening to this man, my
friend, Barack, say that the special relationship between
our countries has never been stronger. But I've never felt
constrained in any way in strengthening this
relationship by the fact that we're in the
European Union. In fact, quite the reverse. We deliver for our
people through all the international groups
that we're part of. We enhance our security
through the membership of NATO. We further our prosperity
through the G7 and the G20. And like those
organizations, Britain's membership of the EU gives
us a powerful tool to deliver on the prosperity
and security that our people need, and to stand up
for the values that our countries share. And now I think is a time to
stay true to those values and to stick together with
our friends and allies in Europe and around the world. Thank you very much. Barack. President Obama:
Thank you, David. And as always, it is
wonderful to be here in London, and to meet with my
good friend, David Cameron. I confess I've also come
back to wish Her Majesty the Queen a very happy
90th birthday. Earlier today, Michelle and
I had the honor to join Her Majesty and His Royal
Highness the Duke of Edinburgh as their guests
at Windsor Castle, where we conveyed the good wishes
of the American people. I have to say I have never
been driven by a Duke of Edinburgh before. (laughter) And I can report that it
was very smooth riding. As for Her Majesty, the
Queen has been a source of inspiration for me, like
so many people around the world. She is truly one of
my favorite people. And should we be fortunate
enough to reach 90, may we be as vibrant as she is. She's an astonishing person,
and a real jewel to the world and not just to
the United Kingdom. The alliance between the
United States and the United Kingdom is one of the oldest
and one of the strongest that the world
has ever known. When the U.S. and the UK stand together,
we make our countries more secure, we make our people
more prosperous, and we make the world safer and better. That's one of the reasons
why my first overseas visit as President more than
seven years ago was here to London, at a time
of global crisis. And the one thing I knew,
as green as I was as a new President, was that it was
absolutely vital that the United States and the United
Kingdom, working together in an international forum,
tackle the challenges that lie ahead. Our success depended on our
ability to coordinate and to be able to leverage our
relationship to have an impact on other countries. I met with David
on that visit. He wasn't yet
Prime Minister. But just as our nations
share a special relationship, David and I
have shared an extraordinary partnership. He has proven to be a great
friend, and is one of my closest and most
trusted partners. Over the six years or
so that our terms have overlapped, we have met or
spoken more times than I can count. We've shared our countries'
beers with each other -- he vouches for his, I
vouch for mine -- (laughter) -- taken in a basketball
game in America. David I think you should
recall, we were actually partners in that
ping-pong game. (laughter) And we lost to some
school children. (laughter) I can't remember
whether they were eight or 10, but they were decidedly
shorter than we were, and they whooped us. (laughter) Samantha and Michelle, our
better halves, have become good friends as well. And it's the depth and the
breadth of that special relationship that has helped
us tackle some of the most daunting challenges
of our time. Around the world, our joint
efforts, as David mentioned, have stopped the outbreak
of Ebola, kept Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon,
forged a climate agreement in Paris that hopefully will
help to protect our planet for future generations. And today, on Earth Day,
our governments, along with about 170 others, are in New
York to sign that agreement. The U.S. is committed to formally
joining it this year, which should help it take effect
years earlier than anybody expected. We also discussed the full
array of challenges to our shared security. We remain resolute in our
efforts to prevent terrorist attacks against our people,
and to continue the progress that we've made in rolling
back and ultimately defeating ISIL. Our forces, as David
mentioned, are systematically degrading
ISIL's finances and safe havens, and removing
its top leaders from the battlefield. We've got to keep working
to improve security and information-sharing across
Europe, and to stem the flow of foreign fighters
into and out of Syria. We discussed our efforts to
resolve political conflicts in the Middle East, from
Yemen to Syria to Libya, in order to increase the
prospects for stability. In Libya, going forward,
we have an opportunity to support a new government
and help Libyans root out extremist elements. In Syria, as challenging as
it is, we still need to see more progress towards an
enduring ceasefire, and we continue to push for greater
humanitarian access to the people who need it most. We have to continue to
invest in NATO so that we can meet our overseas
commitments, from Afghanistan to the Aegean. We have to resolve the
conflict in the Ukraine and reassure allies who are
rightly concerned about Russian aggression. All NATO allies should aim
for the NATO target of spending 2 percent of their
GDP on defense -- something that David has made sure
happens here in the UK to meet that standard. We discussed new actions
we can take to address the refugee crisis, including
with our NATO allies. And because a strong defense
relies on more than just military spending but on
helping to unleash the potential of others to live
freer and more prosperous lives, I want to thank the
people of the United Kingdom for their extraordinary
generosity as one of the world's foremost donors
of humanitarian aid. We talked about promoting
jobs and stronger growth through increased
transatlantic trade and investment so that our young
people can achieve greater opportunity and prosperity. And, yes, the Prime Minister
and I discussed the upcoming referendum here on whether
or not the UK should remain part of the European Union. Let me be clear. Ultimately, this is
something that the British voters have to decide
for themselves. But as part of our special
relationship, part of being friends is to be honest
and to let you know what I think. And speaking honestly, the
outcome of that decision is a matter of deep interest to
the United States because it affects our
prospects as well. The United States wants a
strong United Kingdom as a partner. And the United Kingdom is at
its best when it's helping to lead a strong Europe. It leverages UK power to be
part of the European Union. As I wrote in the op-ed here
today, I don't believe the EU moderates British
influence in the world -- it magnifies it. The EU has helped to spread
British values and practices across the continent. The single market brings
extraordinary economic benefits to the
United Kingdom. And that ends up being good
for America, because we're more prosperous when one of
our best friends and closest allies has a strong,
stable, growing economy. Americans want Britain's
influence to grow, including within Europe. The fact is, in today's
world no nation is immune to the challenges that David
and I just discussed. And in today's world,
solving them requires collective action. All of us cherish our
sovereignty -- my country is pretty vocal about
that -- but the U.S. also recognizes that we
strengthen our security through our
membership in NATO. We strengthen our prosperity
through organizations like the G7 and the G20. And I believe the UK
strengthens both our collective security and
prosperity through the EU. In the 21st century, the
nations that make their presence felt on the world
stage aren't the nations that go it alone but the
nations that team up to aggregate their power and
multiply their influence. And precisely because
Britain's values and institutions are so strong
and so sound, we want to make sure that that
influence is heard, that it's felt, that it
influences how other countries think about
critical issues. We have confidence that when
the UK is involved in a problem that they're going
to help solve it in the right way. That's why the United
States cares about this. For centuries, Europe
was marked by war and by violence. The architecture that our
two countries helped build with the EU has provided the
foundation for decades of relative peace and
prosperity on that continent. What a remarkable legacy --
a legacy born in part out of what took place
in this building. Before we walked out, I
happened to see Enigma on display. And that was a reminder of
the incredible innovation and collaboration of the
allies in World War II and the fact that neither of us
could have won that alone. And in the same way, after
World War II, we built out the international
institutions that, yes, occasionally constrained us,
but we willingly allowed those constraints because we
understood that by doing so, we were able to
institutionalize and internationalize the basic
values of rule of law, and freedom, and democracy, that
would benefit our citizens as well as people
around the world. I think there's a British
poet who once said, "No man is an island" -- even an
island as beautiful as this. We're stronger together. And if we continue to tackle
our challenges together, then future generations will
look back on ours, just as we look back on the previous
generation of English and American citizens who worked
so hard to make this world safer and more secure and
more prosperous, and they'll say that we did
our part, too. And that's important. That's important not just
here; that's important in the United States, as well. Thanks. Prime Minister Cameron:
Thank you very much. All right, we've
got some questions. We're going to start with a
question from the British press. We'll have Chris
Ship from ITV. The Press: Thank you very
much, Prime Minister. Chris Ship from ITV News. Mr. President, you,
yourself, acknowledge the controversial timing of
your comments on the EU referendum and the spirited
debate that we're having here. And I think you're right. In the weeks before your
arrival here, Leave campaigners have said
that you're acting hypocritically. America would not accept the
loss of sovereignty that we have to accept as
part of the EU. America would not accept the
levels of immigration from Mexico that we have to
accept from the EU. And therefore, in various
degrees of politeness, they have said to you that you
should really keep your views to yourself. With that in mind, Mr.
President, do you still think it was the right
decision to intervene in this debate? And can I ask you this --
truthfully, what happens if the UK does decide in June
to leave the European Union? President Obama: Well,
firsts of all, let me repeat, this is a decision
for the people of the United Kingdom to make. I'm not coming here
to fix any votes. I'm not casting
a vote myself. I'm offering my opinion. And in democracies,
everybody should want more information, not less. And you shouldn't be afraid
to hear an argument being made. That's not a threat. That should
enhance the debate. Particularly because my
understanding is that some of the folks on the other
side have been ascribing to the United States certain
actions we'll take if the UK does leave the EU. So they say, for example,
that, well, we'll just cut our own trade deals
with the United States. So they're voicing an
opinion about what the United States
is going to do. I figured you might want to
hear it from the President of the United States what I
think the United States is going to do. (laughter) And on that matter, for
example, I think it's fair to say that maybe some point
down the line, there might be a UK-U.S. trade agreement, but it's
not going to happen anytime soon, because our focus is
in negotiating with a big bloc, the European Union, to
get a trade agreement done, and the UK is going to be in
the back of the queue -- not because we don't have a
special relationship, but because, given the heavy
lift on any trade agreement, us having access to a
big market with a lot of countries -- rather than
trying to do piecemeal trade agreements is
hugely inefficient. Now, to the subject at hand,
obviously the United States is in a different
hemisphere, different circumstances, has different
sets of relationships with its neighbors
than the UK does. But I can tell you this. If, right now, I've got
access to a massive market where I sell 44 percent of
my exports, and now I'm thinking about leaving the
organization that gives me access to that market and
that is responsible for millions of jobs in my
country and responsible for an enormous amount of
commerce and upon which a lot of businesses depend,
that's not something I'd probably do. And what I'm trying to
describe is a broader principle, which is, in our
own ways -- I mean, we don't have a common market in the
Americas -- but in all sorts of ways, the United States
constrains itself in order to bind everyone under a
common set of norms and rules that makes everybody
more prosperous. That's what we built
after World War II. The United States and
the UK designed a set of institutions -- whether it
was the United Nations, or the Bretton Woods structure,
IMF, World Bank, NATO, across the board. Now, that, to some degree,
constrained our freedom to operate. It meant that occasionally
we had to deal with some bureaucracy. It meant that on occasion
we have to persuade other countries, and we don't get
100 percent of what we want in each case. But we knew that by doing
so, everybody was going to be better off -- partly
because the norms and rules that were put in place
were reflective of what we believe. If there were more free
markets around the world, and an orderly financial
system, we knew we could operate in that environment. If we had collective defense
treaties through NATO, we understood that we could
formalize an architecture that would deter aggression,
rather than us having, piecemeal, to put together
alliances to defeat aggression after
it already started. And that principle is
what's at stake here. And the last point I'll make
on this -- until I get the next question, I suspect -- (laughter) -- is that, as David said, this magnifies
the power of the UK. It doesn't diminish it. On just about every issue,
what happens in Europe is going to have
an impact here. And what happens in Europe
is going to have an impact in the United States. We just discussed, for
example, the refugee and the migration crisis. And I've told my team --
which is sitting right here, so they'll vouch for me --
that we consider it a major national security issue
that you have uncontrolled migration into Europe --
not because these folks are coming to the United
States, but because if it destabilizes Europe, our
largest trading bloc -- trading partner -- it's
going to be bad for our economy. If you start seeing
divisions in Europe, that weakens NATO. That will have an impact on
our collective security. Now, if, in fact, I want
somebody who's smart and common sense, and tough, and
is thinking, as I do, in the conversations about how
migration is going to be handled, somebody who also
has a sense of compassion, and recognizes that
immigration can enhance, when done properly, the
assets of a country, and not just diminish them, I
want David Cameron in the conversation. Just as I want him in the
conversation when we're having discussions about
information-sharing and counterterrorism activity. Precisely because I have
confidence in the UK, and I know that if we're not
working effectively with Paris or Brussels, then
those attacks are going to migrate to the United States
and to London, I want one of my strongest partners
in that conversation. So it enhances the
special relationship. It doesn't diminish it. Prime Minister Cameron: Let
me just make, Chris, one point in response to that. This is our choice; nobody
else's -- the sovereign choice of the
British people. But as we make that choice,
it surely makes sense to listen to what our friends
think, to listen to their opinion, to listen
to their views. And that's what Barack has
been talking about today. But it's also worth
remembering as we make this choice, it's a British
choice about the British membership of the
European Union. We're not being asked to
make a choice about whether we support the German style
of membership, or the Italian style of membership. Britain has a special status
in the European Union. We're in the single market;
we're not part of the single currency. We're able to travel and
live and work in other European countries, but
we've maintained our borders, because we're not
in the Schengen no-border zone. And on this vital issue of
trade, where Barack has made such a clear statement, we
should remember why we are currently negotiating this
biggest trade deal in the whole world, and in the
whole world's history, between the European Union
and the United States -- is because Britain played an
absolutely leading part in pushing for those
talks to get going. Indeed, we announced them at
the G8 in Northern Ireland, when Britain was in the
chair of that organization. We set the agenda for what
could be an absolutely game-changing trade deal
for jobs, for investment, because we were part
of this organization. So I just want to add
those important points. I think we have a U.S. question now. President Obama:
Justin Sink. The Press: Thanks,
Mr. President. Following on that, do you
think that between Brexit and the migration issue,
European unity is at a crisis point? What do you hope leaders
gathering in Germany can concretely do about it? And do you expect those
nations to militarily support, including the
possibility of ground troops, the new government
in Libya to keep that situation from further
straining Europe? While we're talking about
future summits, I'm also wondering if maybe you could
talk about whether you plan to go to Hiroshima when
you visit Japan, and -- President Obama:
Oh, come on, man. You're really stretching it. (laughter) The Press: This one is for
Prime Minister Cameron, and it's short. I promise. Prime Minister Cameron, the
President has come here to tell the UK that, as a
friend, and speaking honestly, they should
stay in the EU. As a friend and speaking
honestly, what would you advise American voters
to do about Donald Trump? Thanks. (laughter) President Obama: That
was so predictable. Prime Minister Cameron: I'll
let you take the first six -- President Obama:
Yes, exactly. Prime Minister Cameron: --
and then I'll pick up that last one. (laughter) President Obama: I wouldn't
describe European unity as in a crisis, but I would
say it is under strain. And some of that just has to
do with the aftermath of the financial crisis and the
strains that we're all aware of with respect
to the Eurozone. I think it is important to
emphasize, as David points out, that the UK is not part
of the Eurozone, and so the blowback to the British
economy has been different than it is on the continent. But we've seen some
divisions and difficulties between the southern and the
northern parts of Europe. That's created some strains. I think the migration crisis
amplifies a debate that's taking place not just in
Europe, but in the United States as well. At a time of globalization,
at a time when a lot of the challenges that we face are
transnational, as opposed to just focused on one country,
there is a temptation to want to just pull up the
drawbridge, either literally or figuratively. We see that played out in
some of the debates that are taking place in the U.S. presidential race. And that debate I think
is accelerated in Europe. But I'm confident that
the ties that bind Europe together are ultimately much
stronger than the forces that are trying to
pull them apart. Europe has undergone an
extraordinary stretch of prosperity -- maybe
unmatched in the history of the world. If you think about the 20th
century and you think about the 21st century, 21st
century Europe looks an awful lot better. And I think the majority of
Europeans recognize that. They see that unity and
peace have delivered sustained economic growth,
reduced conflict, reduced violence, enhanced the
quality of life for people. And I'm confident
that can continue. But I do believe that it's
important to watch out for some of these fault lines
that are developing. And in that sense, I do
think that the Brexit vote -- which, if I'm a citizen
of UK, I'm thinking about it solely in terms of how is
this helping me, how is this helping the UK economy, how
is it helping create jobs here in the UK -- that's the
right way to think about it. But I do also think that
this vote will send a signal that is relevant about
whether the kind of prosperity that we've
built together is going to continue, or whether the
forces of division end up being more prominent. And that's why it's --
that's part of the reason why it's relevant to the
United States, and why I have had the temerity
to weigh in on it. What were your four
other questions? (laughter) I've got to figure I've
knocked out two through that answer. The Press: Libya --
President Obama: With respect to Libya, both
David and I discussed our commitment to try to assist
this nascent government. And it's a challenge, but
there are people in this Government of National
Accord that are genuinely committed to building
back up a state. That's something we
desperately want, because both the United States and
United Kingdom, but also a number of our other allies,
are more than prepared to invest in helping create
border security in Libya, and helping to drive out
terrorists inside of Libya, and trying to make sure that
what could be a thriving society -- a relatively
small population, a lot of resources -- this is not an
issue where we should have to subsidize Libya. They're actually much
better-positioned than some other countries that we've
been helping, if they can just get their act together. And we want to help provide
that technical assistance to get that done. There is no plans for
ground troops in Libya. I don't think
that's necessary. I don't think it would
be welcomed by this new government. It would send
the wrong signal. This is a matter of can
Libyans come together. What we can do is to
provide them our expertise. What we can do is
provide them training. What we can do is provide
them a road map for how they can get basic services to
their citizens and build up legitimacy. But I do think that the one
area where both David and I are heavily committed is, as
this progresses, we can't wait if ISIL is starting
to get a foothold there. And so we are working
not just with the Libyan government but a lot of our
international partners to make sure that we're getting
the intelligence that we need and, in some cases,
taking actions to prevent ISIL from having another
stronghold from which to launch attacks against
Europe or against the United States. And I think you have to wait
until I get to Asia to start asking me Asia questions. (laughter) Prime Minister Cameron: The
question you asked me -- this is not a
general election. This is a referendum. And as Barack has explained,
it's a referendum that affects, of course, the
people of the United Kingdom very deeply, but it also
does affect others in the European Union; it affects
partners like America, or Canada, or Australia,
or New Zealand. And as I look around the
world, it is hard to find -- so far, I haven't found one
-- a country that wishes Britain well that thinks we
ought to leave the European Union. And I think that's --
again, it's our choice. We'll make the decision. We'll listen to
all the arguments. People want the facts. They want the arguments. They want to know
the consequences. And I'll try to lay those
out as Prime Minister as clearly as I can. But listening to our
friends, listening to countries that wish us well,
is part of the process and is a good thing to do. As for the American
elections, I've made some comments in recent
weeks and months. I don't think now is a
moment to add to add to them or subtract from them. (laughter) But I think, just as a Prime
Minister who's been through two general elections
leading my party, you always look on at the U.S. elections in awe of the
scale of the process and the length of the process, and I
marvel at anyone who is left standing at the end of it. (laughter) President Obama:
Fortunately, we're term-limited. (laughter) So I, too, can look
in awe at the process. (laughter) Prime Minister Cameron:
We have another British question from Laura
Kuenssberg from the BBC. The Press: Thank you. Mr. President, you've made
your views very plain on the fact that British voters
should choose to stay in the EU. But in the interest of good
friends always being honest, are you also saying that
our decades-old special relationship that's been
through so much would be fundamentally damaged
and changed by our exit? If so, how? And are you also -- do you
have any sympathy with people who think this is
none of your business? And, Prime Minister, to
you, if I may, some of your colleagues believe it's
utterly wrong that you have dragged our closest ally
into the EU referendum campaign. What do you say to them? And is it appropriate for
the Mayor of London, Boris Johnson, to have brought up
President Obama's Kenyan ancestry in the
context of this debate? Prime Minister Cameron:
Well, let me -- this is a British question
- let me go first. I mean, first of all,
questions for Boris are questions for Boris. They're questions for Boris,
they're not questions for me. I don't have some special
power over the President of the United States. Barack feels strongly about
this and has said what he's said. And, as I said, it's our
decision as a sovereign people, the choice we make
about Europe, but I think it's right to listen to and
consider the advice of your friends. And just to amplify one of
the points that Barack made, we have a shared interest of
making sure Europe takes a robust approach to
Russian aggression. And if you take those issues
of the sanctions that we put in place through the
European Union, I think I can put my hand on my heart
and say that Britain played a really important role,
and continues to play an important role, in making
sure those sanctions were put in place and
kept in place. I'm not sure it would have
happened if we weren't there. Now, if it's in our interest
-- and it is in our interest -- for Europe to be strong
against aggression, how can it be an interest not
to be at that table and potentially to see those
sanctions not take place? And I think it's been that
working between Britain and the United States over this
issue that has helped to make a big difference. I would just say about the
special relationship, to me -- and I'm passionate about
this, and I believe it very, very deeply, for all the
reasons of the history and the language and the
culture, but also about the future of our country --
and the truth is this: The stronger Britain is, and the
stronger America is, the stronger that
relationship will be. And I want Britain to be
as strong as possible. And we draw our strength
from all sorts of things that we have as a country --
the fifth largest economy in the world; amazing armed
forces; brilliant security and intelligence forces --
that we were discussing about how well they work
together; incredibly talented people; brilliant
universities; the fact that we're members of NATO,
the G7, the G20, the Commonwealth. But we also draw strength,
and project strength, and project power, and project
our values, and protect our people, and make our country
wealthier, our people wealthier by being in
the European Union. So I want Britain to be
as strong as possible. And the stronger Britain is,
the stronger that special relationship is, and the
more that we can get done together to make sure
that we have a world that promotes democracy and peace
and human rights and the development that we want
to see across the world. So, to me, it's simple:
Stronger Britain, stronger special relationship --
that's in our interest, and that's in the interest
of the United States of America, as well. President Obama: Let
me start with Winston Churchill. (laughter) You know, I don't know if
people are aware of this, but in the Residence, on the
second floor, my office, my private office is
called the Treaty Room. And right outside the door
of the Treaty Room, so that I see it every day,
including on weekends, when I'm going into that office
to watch a basketball game -- (laughter) -- the primary image I
see is a bust of Winston Churchill. It's there voluntarily,
because I can do anything on the second floor. (laughter) I love Winston Churchill. I love the guy. Now, when I was elected as
President of the United States, my predecessor had
kept a Churchill bust in the Oval Office. There are only so many
tables where you can put busts -- otherwise it starts
looking a little cluttered. (laughter) And I thought
it was appropriate, and I suspect most people here in
the United Kingdom might agree, that as the first
African American President, it might be appropriate to
have a bust of Dr. Martin Luther King in my office to
remind me of all the hard work of a lot of people who
would somehow allow me to have the privilege of
holding this office. That's just on
Winston Churchill. I think people should know
that, know my thinking there. With respect to the special
relationship, I have a staff member, who will not be
named -- because it might embarrass her a little
bit -- who, generally, on foreign trips, does not
leave the hotel or the staff room because she's
constantly doing work making this happen. She has had one request the
entire time that I have been President, and that is,
could she accompany me to Windsor on the off-chance
that she might get a peek at Her Majesty the Queen. And, gracious as she is, Her
Majesty actually had this person, along with a couple
of others, lined up so that as we emerged from lunch,
they could say hello. And this staff person, who
is as tough as they come, almost fainted -- (laughter) -- which was -- I'm glad she
didn't because it would have caused an incident. (laughter) That's the special
relationship. We are so bound together
that nothing is going to impact the emotional and
cultural and intellectual affinities between
our two countries. So I don't come here,
suggesting in any way that that is impacted by a
decision that the people of the United Kingdom may
make around whether or not they're members of
the European Union. That is there. That's solid. And that will continue,
hopefully, eternally. And the cooperation in all
sorts of ways -- through NATO, through G7, G20 -- all
those things will continue. But, as David said, if one
of our best friends is in an organization that enhances
their influence and enhances their power and enhances
their economy, then I want them to stay in it. Or at least I want to be
able to tell them, you know, I think this makes you
guys bigger players. I think this helps
your economy. I think this helps
to create jobs. And so, ultimately,
it's your decision. But precisely because we're
bound at the hip, I want you to know that before
you make your decision. Margaret Brennan. The Press: Thank
you very much, sir. Mr. President, Vladimir
Putin hasn't stopped Assad, as he led you to believe he
would, and the ceasefire in Syria appears to
be falling apart. Will you continue to bet on
what looks to be a losing strategy? Mr. Prime Minister, the UK
today warned its citizens traveling to North Carolina
and Mississippi about laws there that affect
transgender individuals. As a friend, what do you
think of those laws? Mr. President, would you
like to weigh in on that? And, sir, if you'd indulge
us -- President Obama: Indulge -- what do you mean? The Press: Well, indulge all
of us back in the U.S., sir, Prince passed away. You were a fan. You had invited him to
perform at the White House. Can you tell us
what made you a fan? President Obama: I'm trying
to figure out which order to do this. (laughter) Maybe I'll start
with North Carolina and Mississippi. I want everybody here in the
United Kingdom to know that the people of North Carolina
and Mississippi are wonderful people. They are hospitable people. They are beautiful states,
and you are welcome and you should come and
enjoy yourselves. And I think you'll be
treated with extraordinary hospitality. I also think that the laws
that have been passed there are wrong and should
be overturned. And they're in response to
politics, in part; in part, some strong emotions that
are generated by people -- some of whom are good people
but I just disagree with when it comes to respecting
the equal rights of all people, regardless of sexual
orientation, whether they're transgender or
gay or lesbian. And although I respect their
different viewpoints, I think it's very important
for us not to send signals that anybody is
treated differently. And I think it's fair to say
that we're not unique among countries where --
particularly under a federal system in which power is
dispersed, that there are going to be some localities
or local officials that put forward laws that aren't
necessarily reflective of a national consensus. But if you guys come
to North Carolina or Mississippi, everybody
will be treated well. The second question
with respect to Syria. I am deeply concerned about
the cessation of hostilities fraying and whether
it's sustainable. Now, keep in mind that I
have always been skeptical about Mr. Putin's actions
and motives inside of Syria. He is -- along with Iran --
the preeminent backer of a murderous regime that I
do not believe can regain legitimacy within his
country because he's murdered a lot of people. Having said that, what I
also believe is, is that we cannot end the crisis in
Syria without political negotiations and without
getting all the parties around the table to
craft a transition plan. And that, by necessity,
means that there are going to be some people on one
side of the table who I deeply disagree with and
whose actions I deeply abhor. That's how oftentimes you
resolve conflicts like this that are taking an enormous
toll on the Syrian people. The cessation of hostilities
actually held longer than I expected. And for seven weeks we've
seen a significant reduction in violence inside
that country. And that gave some
relief to people. I talked to Putin on Monday
precisely to reinforce to him the importance of us
trying to maintain the cessation of hostilities,
asking him to put more pressure on Assad,
indicating to him that we would continue to try to get
the moderate opposition to stay at the negotiating
table in Geneva. But this has
always been hard. And it's going to
keep being hard. And what David and I
discussed in our meeting was that we will continue to
prosecute the war against Daesh, against ISIL. We are going to continue
to support those who are prepared to fight ISIL. And we're going to
continue to target them. We're going to continue
to make progress. But we're not going to solve
the overall problem unless we can get this
political track moving. I assure you that we have
looked at all options. None of them are great. And so we are going to
play this option out. If, in fact, the cessation
falls apart, we'll try to put it back together again
even as we continue to go after ISIL. And it's my belief that
ultimately Russia will recognize that, just as
this can't be solved by a military victory on the part
of those we support, Russia may be able to keep the lid
on, alongside Iran, for a while, but if you don't have
a legitimate government there, they will
be bled, as well. And that is not -- that's
not speculation on my part. I think the evidence all
points in that direction. And finally with respect
to Prince, I loved Prince because he put out great
music and he was a great performer. I didn't know him well. He came to perform at the
White House last year and was extraordinary, and
creative and original and full of energy. And so it's a
remarkable loss. And I'm staying at
Winfield House, the U.S. Ambassador's residence. It so happens our Ambassador
has a turntable, and so this morning we played "Purple
Rain" and "Delirious" just to get warmed up before we
left the house for important bilateral meetings
like this. (laughter) Prime Minister Cameron: As
a fan of great music, the Ambassador has brought a
lot of brilliant talent. President Obama: Absolutely. Prime Minister: Let me just
answer, I've been to North Carolina many years
ago and enjoyed it. I have not yet made it to
Mississippi, but one day I hope to. The guidance that we put
out, the Foreign Office, gives advice on travel, and
it obviously deals with laws in situations as they are,
and it tries to give that advice dispassionately,
impartially. But it's very important
that it does so. It's something that a lot
of attention is given to. Our view on any of these
things is that we believe that we should be
trying to use law to end discrimination rather than
to embed it or enhance it. And that's something we're
comfortable saying to countries and friends
anywhere in the world. But obviously, the laws
people pass is a matter of their own legislatures. But we make clear our own
views about the importance of trying to end
discrimination, and we've made some important steps
forward in our own country on that front, which
we're proud of. With that, thank
you very much. President Obama: Thank
you very much, everybody. (applause)
