The President:
Hello, Chicago! (Applause.) It's good to be home! (Applause.) Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Thank you. (Applause.) All right, everybody sit down. (Applause.) We're on live TV here. I've got to move. (Applause.) You can tell that I'm a lame duck because nobody is
following instructions. (Laughter.) Everybody have a seat. (Applause.) My fellow Americans -- (applause) -- Michelle and I have been
so touched by all the well wishes that we've received
over the past few weeks. But tonight, it's my
turn to say thanks. (Applause.) Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my
conversations with you, the American people,
in living rooms and in schools, at farms, on
factory floors, at diners and on distant military
outposts -- those conversations are what
have kept me honest, and kept me inspired,
and kept me going. And every day, I have
learned from you. You made me a better
President, and you made me a better man. (Applause.) So I first
came to Chicago when I was in my early 20s. And I was still trying
to figure out who I was, still searching for a
purpose in my life. And it was a neighborhood
not far from here where I began working with church
groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets
where I witnessed the power of faith, and the
quiet dignity of working people in the face of
struggle and loss. Audience: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years! The President:
I can't do that. Audience: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years! The President: This is
where I learned that change only happens when
ordinary people get involved and they get
engaged, and they come together to demand it. After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not
just my belief. It's the beating heart of
our American idea -- our bold experiment in
self-government. It's the conviction that
we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator
with certain unalienable rights, among them life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It's the insistence that
these rights, while self-evident, have never
been self-executing; that We, the People, through
the instrument of our democracy, can form
a more perfect union. What a radical idea. A great gift that our
Founders gave to us: The freedom to chase our
individual dreams through our sweat and toil and
imagination, and the imperative to strive
together, as well, to achieve a common
good, a greater good. For 240 years, our
nation's call to citizenship has given work
and purpose to each new generation. It's what led patriots
to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek
west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad
to freedom. It's what pulled
immigrants and refugees across oceans and
the Rio Grande. (Applause.) It's what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It's what powered
workers to organize. It's why GIs gave their
lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima, Iraq
and Afghanistan. And why men and women from
Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give
theirs, as well. (Applause.) So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional --
not that our nation has been flawless from the
start, but that we have shown the capacity to
change and make life better for those
who follow. Yes, our progress
has been uneven. The work of democracy
has always been hard. It's always been
contentious. Sometimes it's
been bloody. For every two steps
forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of
America has been defined by forward motion, a
constant widening of our founding creed to embrace
all and not just some. (Applause.) If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a
great recession, reboot our auto industry, and
unleash the longest stretch of job creation in
our history -- (applause) -- if I had told you that
we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban
people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program
without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of
9/11 -- (applause) -- if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow
citizens -- (applause) -- if I had told you all
that, you might have said our sights were set
a little too high. But that's what we did. (Applause.) That's what you did. You were the change. You answered people's
hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure,
America is a better, stronger place than it
was when we started. (Applause.) In 10 days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy. Audience: Nooo -- The President: No, no, no, no, no -- the peaceful
transfer of power from one freely elected
President to the next. (Applause.) I committed to President-elect Trump that my administration would
ensure the smoothest possible transition, just
as President Bush did for me. (Applause.) Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can
help us meet the many challenges we still face. We have what we
need to do so. We have everything we need
to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the
wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected
nation on Earth. Our youth, our drive, our
diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for
risk and reinvention means that the future
should be ours. But that potential will
only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics
better reflects the decency of our people. (Applause.) Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular
interests, help restore the sense of common
purpose that we so badly need right now. That's what I want to
focus on tonight: The state of our democracy. Understand, democracy does
not require uniformity. Our founders argued. They quarreled. Eventually they
compromised. They expected us
to do the same. But they knew that
democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity
-- the idea that for all our outward differences,
we're all in this together; that we
rise or fall as one. (Applause.) There have been moments throughout our history that threatens
that solidarity. And the beginning of this
century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing
inequality; demographic change and the specter of
terrorism -- these forces haven't just tested
our security and our prosperity, but are
testing our democracy, as well. And how we meet these
challenges to our democracy will determine
our ability to educate our kids, and create good
jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will
determine our future. To begin with, our
democracy won't work without a sense that
everyone has economic opportunity. And the good news is that
today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home
values, and retirement accounts are all
rising again. Poverty is falling again. (Applause.) The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock
market shatters records. The unemployment rate
is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has
never, ever been lower. (Applause.) Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I've said and I mean
it -- if anyone can put together a plan that is
demonstrably better than the improvements we've
made to our health care system and that covers as
many people at less cost, I will publicly
support it. (Applause.) Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or
take credit, but to make people's lives better. (Applause.) But for all the real progress that we've made, we know
it's not enough. Our economy doesn't work
as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at
the expense of a growing middle class and ladders
for folks who want to get into the middle class. (Applause.) That's the economic argument. But stark inequality is
also corrosive to our democratic ideal. While the top one percent
has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too
many families, in inner cities and in rural
counties, have been left behind -- the laid-off
factory worker; the waitress or health care
worker who's just barely getting by and struggling
to pay the bills -- convinced that the game is
fixed against them, that their government only
serves the interests of the powerful -- that's a
recipe for more cynicism and polarization
in our politics. But there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should
be fair and not just free. But the next wave of
economic dislocations won't come from overseas. It will come from the
relentless pace of automation that makes a
lot of good, middle-class jobs obsolete. And so we're going to have
to forge a new social compact to guarantee all
our kids the education they need -- (applause) -- to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to
reflect the way we live now, and make more reforms
to the tax code so corporations and
individuals who reap the most from this new
economy don't avoid their obligations to the country
that's made their very success possible. (Applause.) We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent
about the goals themselves. For if we don't create
opportunity for all people, the disaffection
and division that has stalled our progress will
only sharpen in years to come. There's a second threat to
our democracy -- and this one is as old as
our nation itself. After my election, there
was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however
well-intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent and
often divisive force in our society. Now, I've lived long
enough to know that race relations are better than
they were 10, or 20, or 30 years ago, no matter
what some folks say. (Applause.) You can see it not just in statistics, you see it in the
attitudes of young Americans across the
political spectrum. But we're not where
we need to be. And all of us have
more work to do. (Applause.) If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a
hardworking white middle class and an undeserving
minority, then workers of all shades are going to be
left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw
further into their private enclaves. (Applause.) If we're unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants,
just because they don't look like us, we will
diminish the prospects of our own children --
because those brown kids will represent a larger
and larger share of America's workforce. (Applause.) And we have shown that our economy doesn't have to be
a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose
for all races, all age groups, for men
and for women. So if we're going to be
serious about race going forward, we need to
uphold laws against discrimination -- in
hiring, and in housing, and in education, and
in the criminal justice system. (Applause.) That is what our Constitution and our highest ideals require. (Applause.) But laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. It won't change overnight. Social attitudes
oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to
work in this increasingly diverse nation, then each
one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great
character in American fiction -- Atticus Finch -- (applause) -- who said "You never really
understand a person until you consider things from
his point of view...until you climb into his skin
and walk around in it." For blacks and other
minority groups, it means tying our own very real
struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot
of people in this country face -- not only the
refugee, or the immigrant, or the rural poor, or the
transgender American, but also the middle-aged white
guy who, from the outside, may seem like he's got
advantages, but has seen his world upended by
economic and cultural and technological change. We have to pay
attention, and listen. (Applause.) For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the
effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly
vanish in the '60s -- (applause) -- that when
minority groups voice discontent, they're not
just engaging in reverse racism or practicing
political correctness. When they wage peaceful
protest, they're not demanding special
treatment but the equal treatment that our
Founders promised. (Applause.) native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves
that the stereotypes about immigrants today were
said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and
Italians, and Poles -- who it was said we're going to
destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out,
America wasn't weakened by the presence of these
newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation's
creed, and this nation was strengthened. (Applause.) So regardless of the station that we occupy, we all
have to try harder. We all have to start with
the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves
this country just as much as we do; that they value
hard work and family just like we do; that their
children are just as curious and hopeful and
worthy of love as our own. (Applause.) And that's not easy to do. For too many of us, it's
become safer to retreat into our own bubbles,
whether in our neighborhoods or on
college campuses, or places of worship, or
especially our social media feeds, surrounded by
people who look like us and share the same
political outlook and never challenge
our assumptions. The rise of naked
partisanship, and increasing economic and
regional stratification, the splintering of our
media into a channel for every taste -- all this
makes this great sorting seem natural,
even inevitable. And increasingly, we
become so secure in our bubbles that we
start accepting only information, whether it's
true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of
basing our opinions on the evidence that
is out there. (Applause.) And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. But politics is a
battle of ideas. That's how our
democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy
debate, we prioritize different goals, and
the different means of reaching them. But without some common
baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new
information, and concede that your opponent might
be making a fair point, and that science and
reason matter -- (applause) -- then we're going to keep talking past each other, and we'll
make common ground and compromise impossible. (Applause.) And isn't that part of what so often makes politics
dispiriting? How can elected officials
rage about deficits when we propose to spend money
on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting
taxes for corporations? (Applause.) How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce
when the other party does the same thing? It's not just dishonest,
this selective sorting of the facts; it's
self-defeating. Because, as my mother used
to tell me, reality has a way of catching
up with you. (Applause.) Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've
halved our dependence on foreign oil; we've doubled
our renewable energy; we've led the world to an
agreement that has the promise to save
this planet. (Applause.) But without
bolder action, our children won't have time
to debate the existence of climate change. They'll be busy dealing
with its effects: more environmental disasters,
more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees
seeking sanctuary. Now, we can and should
argue about the best approach to solve
the problem. But to simply deny the
problem not only betrays future generations, it
betrays the essential spirit of this country --
the essential spirit of innovation and practical
problem-solving that guided our Founders. (Applause.) It is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made
us an economic powerhouse -- the spirit that took
flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit
that cures disease and put a computer in
every pocket. It's that spirit -- a
faith in reason, and enterprise, and the
primacy of right over might -- that allowed us
to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during
the Great Depression; that allowed us to build a
post-World War II order with other democracies, an
order based not just on military power or national
affiliations but built on principles -- the rule of
law, human rights, freedom of religion, and speech,
and assembly, and an independent press. (Applause.) That order is now being challenged -- first by violent fanatics
who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by
autocrats in foreign capitals who see free
markets and open democracies and and civil
society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to
our democracy is more far-reaching than a
car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of
change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray
differently; a contempt for the rule of law that
holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent
and free thought; a belief that the sword or the
gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the
ultimate arbiter of what's true and what's right. Because of the
extraordinary courage of our men and women in
uniform, because of our intelligence officers,
and law enforcement, and diplomats who support our
troops -- (applause) -- no foreign terrorist
organization has successfully planned and
executed an attack on our homeland these
past eight years. (Applause.) And although Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood
remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our
law enforcement agencies are more effective and
vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of
thousands of terrorists -- including bin Laden. (Applause.) The global coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out
their leaders, and taken away about half
their territory. ISIL will be destroyed,
and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. (Applause.) And to all who serve or have served, it has been the honor of
my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a
deep debt of gratitude. (Applause.) But protecting our way of life, that's not just
the job of our military. Democracy can buckle
when we give in to fear. So, just as we, as
citizens, must remain vigilant against external
aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the
values that make us who we are. (Applause.) And that's why, for the past eight years, I've worked to
put the fight against terrorism on a firmer
legal footing. That's why we've ended
torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws
governing surveillance to protect privacy and
civil liberties. (Applause.) That's why
I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans,
who are just as patriotic as we are. (Applause.) That's why we
cannot withdraw from big global fights -- to expand
democracy, and human rights, and women's
rights, and LGBT rights. No matter how imperfect
our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such
values may seem, that's part of defending America. For the fight against
extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and
chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against
authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom
and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the
world, the likelihood of war within and between
nations increases, and our own freedoms will
eventually be threatened. So let's be vigilant,
but not afraid. (Applause.) ISIL will try
to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat
America unless we betray our Constitution and our
principles in the fight. (Applause.) Rivals like
Russia or China cannot match our influence around
the world -- unless we give up what we stand for -- (applause) -- and turn ourselves into just
another big country that bullies smaller neighbors. Which brings me to my
final point: Our democracy is threatened whenever
we take it for granted. (Applause.) All of us,
regardless of party, should be throwing
ourselves into the task of rebuilding our
democratic institutions. (Applause.) When voting
rates in America are some of the lowest among
advanced democracies, we should be making it
easier, not harder, to vote. (Applause.) When trust in
our institutions is low, we should reduce the
corrosive influence of money in our politics, and
insist on the principles of transparency and
ethics in public service. (Applause.) When Congress
is dysfunctional, we should draw our
congressional districts to encourage politicians to
cater to common sense and not rigid extremes. (Applause.) But remember,
none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our
participation; on each of us accepting the
responsibility of citizenship, regardless of
which way the pendulum of power happens
to be swinging. Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really just
a piece of parchment. It has no power
on its own. We, the people,
give it power. (Applause.) We, the
people, give it meaning. With our participation,
and with the choices that we make, and the
alliances that we forge. (Applause.) Whether or
not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect
and enforce the rule of law. That's up to us. America is no
fragile thing. But the gains of our long
journey to freedom are not assured. In his own farewell
address, George Washington wrote that self-government
is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity,
and liberty, but "from different causes and from
different quarters much pains will be taken...to
weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth." And so we have to preserve
this truth with "jealous anxiety;" that we should
reject "the first dawning of every attempt to
alienate any portion of our country from the rest
or to enfeeble the sacred ties" that make us one. (Applause.) America, we
weaken those ties when we allow our political
dialogue to become so corrosive that people of
good character aren't even willing to enter into
public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans
with whom we disagree are seen not just as misguided
but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when
we define some of us as more American than others;
when we write off the whole system as inevitably
corrupt, and when we sit back and blame the leaders
we elect without examining our own role in
electing them. (Applause.) It falls to
each of us to be those those anxious, jealous
guardians of our democracy; to embrace the
joyous task we've been given to continually try
to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our
outward differences, we, in fact, all share the
same proud title, the most important office in a
democracy: Citizen. (Applause.) Citizen. So, you see, that's what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there's an
election, not just when your own narrow interest
is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of arguing
with strangers on the Internet, try talking with
one of them in real life. (Applause.) If something
needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do
some organizing. (Applause.) If you're
disappointed by your elected officials, grab
a clipboard, get some signatures, and run
for office yourself. (Applause.) Show up. Dive in. Stay at it. Sometimes you'll win. Sometimes you'll lose. Presuming a reservoir of
goodness in other people, that can be a risk, and
there will be times when the process will
disappoint you. But for those of us
fortunate enough to have been a part of this work,
and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can
energize and inspire. And more often than not,
your faith in America -- and in Americans --
will be confirmed. (Applause.) Mine sure has been. Over the course of these
eight years, I've seen the hopeful faces of young
graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with
grieving families searching for answers,
and found grace in a Charleston church. I've seen our scientists
help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I've seen wounded warriors
who at points were given up for dead walk again. I've seen our doctors and
volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop
pandemics in their tracks. I've seen the youngest of
children remind us through their actions and through
their generosity of our obligations to care for
refugees, or work for peace, and, above all, to
look out for each other. (Applause.) So that faith
that I placed all those years ago, not far from
here, in the power of ordinary Americans to
bring about change -- that faith has been rewarded
in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope your
faith has, too. Some of you here tonight
or watching at home, you were there with us in
2004, in 2008, 2012 -- (applause) -- maybe you
still can't believe we pulled this
whole thing off. Let me tell you, you're
not the only ones. (Laughter.) Michelle -- (applause) -- Michelle LaVaughn Robinson, girl of the South Side -- (applause) -- for the past
25 years, you have not only been my wife and
mother of my children, you have been my best friend. (Applause.) You took on a
role you didn't ask for and you made it your own,
with grace and with grit and with style
and good humor. (Applause.) You made the
White House a place that belongs to everybody. (Applause.) And the new
generation sets its sights higher because it has
you as a role model. (Applause.) So you
have made me proud. And you have made
the country proud. (Applause.) Malia and
Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have
become two amazing young women. You are smart and you
are beautiful, but more importantly, you are kind
and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion. (Applause.) You wore the
burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I've done in
my life, I am most proud to be your dad. (Applause.) To Joe Biden -- (applause) -- the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware's favorite son -- you were
the first decision I made as a nominee, and
it was the best. (Applause.) Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but
because in the bargain, I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill
like family, and your friendship has been one
of the great joys of our lives. (Applause.) To my remarkable staff: For eight years -- and for
some of you, a whole lot more -- I have drawn from
your energy, and every day I tried to reflect back
what you displayed -- heart, and character,
and idealism. I've watched you grow up,
get married, have kids, start incredible new
journeys of your own. Even when times got tough
and frustrating, you never let Washington get
the better of you. You guarded
against cynicism. And the only thing that
makes me prouder than all the good that we've done
is the thought of all the amazing things that you're going to achieve from here. (Applause.) And to all of you out there -- every organizer who moved to an
unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed
them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors,
every young person who cast a ballot for the
first time, every American who lived and breathed the
hard work of change -- you are the best supporters
and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I
will be forever grateful. (Applause.) Because you
did change the world. (Applause.) You did. And that's why I leave
this stage tonight even more optimistic about
this country than when we started. Because I know our work
has not only helped so many Americans, it has
inspired so many Americans -- especially so many
young people out there -- to believe that you can
make a difference -- (applause) -- to hitch
your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. Let me tell you, this
generation coming up -- unselfish, altruistic,
creative, patriotic -- I've seen you in every
corner of the country. You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America. (Applause.) You know that
constant change has been America's hallmark; that
it's not something to fear but something to embrace. You are willing to
carry this hard work of democracy forward. You'll soon outnumber all
of us, and I believe as a result the future
is in good hands. (Applause.) My fellow
Americans, it has been the honor of my life
to serve you. (Applause.) I won't stop. In fact, I will be right
there with you, as a citizen, for all
my remaining days. But for now, whether you
are young or whether you're young at heart, I
do have one final ask of you as your President --
the same thing I asked when you took a chance
on me eight years ago. I'm asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring
about change -- but in yours. I am asking you to hold
fast to that faith written into our founding
documents; that idea whispered by slaves and
abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and
homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that
creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from
foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a
creed at the core of every American whose story is
not yet written: Yes, we can. (Applause.) Yes, we did. Yes, we can. (Applause.) Thank you. God bless you. May God continue to bless
the United States of America. (Applause.)
