Historians often argue the merits of the Great
Man theory and theory of âtrends and forcesâ. These two conflicting theories crossed swords
during the fleeting reign of Roman Emperor Julian. As the Roman Empireâs Christianisation accelerated
during the mid-to-late fourth century, this most extraordinary and unlikely of rulers
rose in the shadow of one of Romeâs most lethal figures to become Augustus. Welcome to our first video on Julian, his
early life and the battle of Strasbourg. If you are keen on biographies, the sponsor
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full membership! Flavius Claudius Julianus of the Constantinian
Dynasty, was born to Christian parents, and his father Julius Constantius was Constantine
the Greatâs half-brother. The era of his birth - the early fourth century,
was a ruthless age of court intrigue and Julianâs entry into this cutthroat world came in 337AD,
when he was barely six years old. The victor of the Milvian Bridge and first
imperial patron of Christianity Constantine was dead. His 19-year-old son Constantius II orchestrated
âthe great massacreâ , slaying Constantineâs nephews , half-brothers and their sons. Many other nobles and even a praetorian prefect
were killed. Only two members of the family survived, one
of whom was Julian, spared either because he wasnât considered an immediate threat
or due to his young age. His father wasnât so lucky. Instead, Julian was sent to Nicomedia, where
he was entrusted to the care of a local bishop. Some time later, Julian was shifted to Macellum,
an imperial estate near Caesarea . Under constant vigil and forbidden any companions except
for expressly permitted slaves, Julian found solace in the vast library of the cityâs
bishop George. Scattered between the Christian texts were
older writings of pagan philosophy, religious history and literature, which planted the
seed of apostasy in young Julianâs mind. Time went on, Julian continued his formal
Christian education and was eventually permitted by Constantius to travel further afield. He didnât cause a wink of political trouble
for Augustus in Constantinople, but immersed himself in rhetoric, philosophy and learning
which eventually led him to believe, at the age of 20, that following? Romeâs Old Gods was the only way to live
a good life. Despite being born into the monotheistic faith,
Julian was done with it. He also became what by our standards might
be seen as a bit of a nerd. But life was about to take an utterly unexpected
turn and in 355 Julian was invited to the court in Mediolanum. He was probably expecting death, but instead,
in his words âSome of them, as if they were in a barberâs shop, cut off my beard and
dressed me in a military cloak, and transformed me into a rather laughable soldier.â Constantius had been warring against Magnentius
for some time, and although the usurper was defeated at Mursa and Mons Seleucus, the civil
war allowed the Rhine frontier to collapse completely. A Germanic leader - Chnodomar, then used the
imperial chaos to invade and sack eastern Gaul, which forced Constantius to appoint
the unassuming Julian as Caesar, as he was not a military man, and therefore not a potent
threat. Julian confirmed his status by wedding Constantiusâ
daughter Helena and departed for Gaul in late 355. Once the new Caesar arrived at Julia Viennensis
not long after, he immediately burst into a flurry of energetic study of a new kind. With considerable diligence, Julian embraced
the art of Roman warfare whilst studying the strategies, tactics and actions of antiquityâs
great military leaders. Julian knew he was just an imperial figurehead,
while magister peditum Marcellus held de facto supreme command, but was still eager to do
his best. The plan for 356 was clear: while Constantius
II invaded enemy territory from Raetia, Julian would close the barbariansâ line of withdrawal
back across the Rhine. The Caesar marched north from Julia Viennensis
to Durocorturum via Augustodunum, evading Germanic raiding bands all the way, and joined
the main Gallic army under Marcellus. Assuming direct command of the army much to
the magister peditumâs distaste, Julian advanced in the direction of the Rhine. However, on a misty day en route to their
destination, the two rearmost legions were ambushed by Alemanni barbarians and almost
destroyed. After suffering considerable losses, they
were only saved by the reinforcing elite units. Bloodied but undeterred, Julian continued
onwards in the direction of Brocomagus, crushing another Alemanni force blocking his path to
the city with textbook use of two-pronged pincer tactic. It wasnât a decisive victory, but by this
point Constantiusâ assault from Raetia was underway, and Julianâs triumph convinced
the Alemanni to sue for peace which allowed Julian to pivot north towards Cologne, where
he conducted refortification efforts and coerced the local Frankish chieftains into a favourable
peace. Julian then travelled back to Gaulâs interior,
dispersing most of his troops throughout many fortresses to protect them from barbarian
raiders, and then entered winter quarters at Agendicum. Although this was a prudent action, the consequential
lack of strength allowed Julian to be besieged by a force of glory-seeking Alemanni. Here Julian showed his true colours, standing
resolute among his soldiers and launching sorties which, although unsuccessful, garnered
immense respect. Either because he believed he was doing Constantius
a favour or because he despised the Caesarâs independent command, Marcellus didnât send
any aid, a fact which led to his scathing recall to Mediolanum by the Augustus and his
replacement by a new general - Severus. Once heâd seen off the Alemannic siege,
Julian zealously recruited additional soldiers into the army, swelling his force to a total
of 13,000 soldiers. Soon after, he received his orders for 357
from Constantius - the emperor was departing to the frontier at Sirmium, leaving general
Barbatio with 25,000 troops to function as the right wing of a large-scale Roman pincer
operation from Augusta Rauracorum, while Julian was to continue operating in the north, cutting
the barbariansâ line of retreat and destroying enemy warbands wherever he found them. The conclusion of this plan was a final closing
of this pincer just to the south of Strasbourg. The plan was lethal on paper, but possessed
far too many moving parts to actually work. Still, the campaigning season began well enough,
with Barbatio gradually advancing northwards and Julian moving to Durocorturum and then
east towards the Rhine. Unfortunately, an unforeseen band of Laeti
marauders inserted themselves between the two converging forces and attacked Lugdunum,
pillaging throughout the area. This forced Julian to detach three squadrons
of light cavalry from his main army to smash the raiders. A vast number of Laeti were killed by the
onrushing imperial riders, but some survivors managed to flee Rhinewards. It seemed as though these fugitives would
be caught by Barbatioâs sentries coming the other way, but were apparently allowed
to pass by the generalâs subordinates. The laxity shown by Barbatio was in fact the
first act in his spiteful noncooperation with Julian. Although delayed, The Caesar was approaching
from Durocorturum. Passing by an Alemanni blockade of felled
trees at the Col de Saverne pass, he reached the Germansâ apparently impregnable haven
- a series of islets dotting the Rhine river which they believed ponderous Romans couldnât
cross. They were underestimating Julian. Approaching the river, Julian asked Barbatio
for seven ships to build a pontoon bridge. However, Barbatio instead inexplicably elected
to burn them all. Forced into a contingency, Julian ordered
a contingent of an elite auxilia palatina unit known as the cornuti seniores to ford
the low summer-time flow by using their shields as a float. All Alemanni men, women and children inhabiting
the nearest of the Rhine islets were quickly butchered by Julianâs men in full view of
the other islanders, who swiftly vacated them and returned to their side of the Rhine. The palatina troops gathered valuable loot,
animals and slaves for themselves before withdrawing to the mainland, their task complete to Caesarâs
satisfaction. Doubling back, Julian attempted to prepare
the strategic fortress of Tres Tabernae for a siege by securing its fortifications and
bringing in supplies. But this effort too was hindered by Barbatio,
who, again, burned the much-needed supplies, with Ammianus Marcellinus speculating that
he was either an âempty-headed foolâ or doing so at the behest of a supremely paranoid
Constantius, who wanted Julian to fail or be killed. As though to prove karma a very real thing,
as Barbatioâs 25,000 strong army were in the vicinity of modern day Strasbourg, then
known as Argentoratum, they were surprised and set upon by a massive horde of Alemanni
warriors. Rather than fighting with his formidable force,
Barbatio abandoned his wing of the pincer maneuver and withdrew all the way back to
Augusta Raurica. During the retreat, a deserter from Barbatioâs
army went over to the Germans and informed them that Julianâs remaining forces were
small in comparison, and could be easily destroyed. Emboldened by this news and concerned at Julianâs
fortification at Saverne, Chnodomar managed to rally a number of other Germanic kings
to his side, combining their forces together near Argentoratum, only a relatively short
distance from Tres Tabernae. Inspired by the words and deeds of Roman leaders
reaching back to the Founding, Julian marched along the military road throughout the morning
of August 24th 357, nearing Chnodomarâs force of Alemanni and friends at around midday. Hunger for glory wasnât about to dampen
the Caesarâs wisdom, and he ordered his troops to encamp, rest, refresh and regroup
for battle the next day. The soldiers, however, werenât happy with
that. By striking their spears and shields together,
they made clear to Julian that they wanted to fight the barbarian invaders now, while
they were still one force. Convinced or coerced, Julian decided to fight. The Roman force arraying opposite Chnodomarâs
horde had Tres Tabernae to its rear and could therefore retreat to a ready citadel if necessary,
but the Alemanni had only the Rhine at their back. But this strategic disadvantage was offset
by the numerical disparity - Julian only had 13,000, while the Germanic coalition, however
sketchy estimating their numbers can often be, probably brought to bear about 34,000. The bulk of the Alemanni infantry was deployed
in the center of the battlefield, each warband and chieftainâs contingent under the command
of whichever warlord or tribal leader they were bound to. Chnodomarâs right flank was anchored by
an area of forest, inside which the Germanic king placed a force of ambushing infantry
under his nephew Serapio. On the other side of the field was Chnodmoar
himself, at the head of 4,000 barbarian cavalry intermixed with light infantry. A deep formation comprising three of Julianâs
thousand strong, post-Constantinian legions were deployed front and center, flanked by
close-ordered auxilia palatina units Cornuti, Brachiati, Petulantes and Heruli1, each of
which were about 500 men strong. Severus was on the left with yet more legions,
and in reserve was Julian himself, accompanied by several hundred Scholarii guards and an
elite, honoured legio known as the Primani. On flat ground to Julianâs right were the
3,000 crack Roman cavalry, deployed with lighter skirmishers in front and the Caesarâs ultimate
weapon behind - a division of lethal, fully armoured Cataphractarii shock riders. Before the two sides clashed, enraged cries
erupted from the Alemanni line of battle. To the Romans this may have sounded like a
hostile war-chant, but it was in fact a typically Germanic method of shaming their leaders into
dismounting and preventing them from abandoning the regular warriors to their fate if battle
went badly. Under pressure from their own soldiers, Chnodomar
and the other leaders leapt from their horses and commanded on foot. To the hail of blaring trumpets, both sides
advanced towards one another, the Caesarâs Roman army in an inexorable, lava-like crawl2,
and their Alemanni enemies in a swift charge which cared little for maintaining tight order. Closing fast, the Germanic tribesmen sounded
their fearsome howls of war and snarled at the Romans in a manner which had, in ages
past, caused a rout through sheer intimidation. However, the grizzled, barbarian-infused imperial
military of late antiquity was far more resistant to such scare tactics, and continued unphased. Chnodomarâs impetus-driven warriors lobbed
their javelins first, loosing a deadly rain of sharp iron straight for the Roman front
line. With customary iron discipline, the legionary
infantry raised their shields to block the incoming missiles and continued advancing. Once the barrage was over, the Romans launched
their own wave of projectiles before getting locked in a vicious melee with the barbarian
invaders. Julianâs first crisis point showed itself
on the left. During the forward movement, Severusâ left
had come within dangerous proximity of the forest inside which lay Chnodomarâs ambush. Unfortunately for the Alemanni king, some
of Serapioâs warriors had leapt up from their hiding places preemptively, alerting
Severus to their presence and allowing the Roman general to call an urgent halt before
the situation became truly critical. Still, the Caesarâs left flank was descended
upon by an ambushing force which far outnumbered it, getting into difficulties under pressure
from both the front and left. In the rear of the battlefield, Julian observantly
caught on that Severus was in big trouble, and rode to his subcommanderâs aid with
the Scholaris cavalry. As he made his way, Julian continuously exhorted
the units he passed to greater courage, inspiring them with his oration. By the time the Caesar reached Severusâ
section, the notoriously ferocious charge of Serapioâs soldiers was over, and the
situational advantage shifted to the Romans. Julian kept himself behind the line rather
than fighting at the forefront, ordering the left to fight in a looser formation so that
encirclement would not become a threat, and even managed to pull back an overzealous unit
at risk of pushing too far. After a shaky start, Severus and Julian managed
to repel and push back the Alemanni opposing them, stabilising that part of the field. However, the Caesar had a far more serious
problem to deal with. Over on the flat side of the battlefield,
Roman cataphractarii and their skirmisher vanguard charged straight at Chnodomar. While the initial impact was devastating,
the Alemannic kingâs intermingling of infantry within his cavalry had a terrible effect. Nimble barbarian infantry armed with spearmen
slipped between the cumberous imperial horsemen, thrusting up at them from below and dismounting
or killing them outright. Many casualties were inflicted in this way,
until finally the cataphractarii commander was thrown from his horse, leading to the
entire cavalry flank turning and running. Chnodomarâs intelligent counter to Julianâs
mounted superweapon appeared to have been a flying success. The retreating cavalry veered dangerously
towards of Julianâs infantry regiments in search of protection, threatening their formationâs
integrity and potentially cracking the entire front line in the process. However, the resolutely disciplined Cornuti
and Bracchiati units stood their ground with admirable sturdiness, closing ranks and forming
a barrier against their own retreating cavalry, stabilising the line just in time and diverting
the routing riders away3. According to Ammianus Marcellinus, who may
have been a participant in this battle, Julian looked across the battlefield and saw his
cavalry retreating in shame. Taking his iconic purple dragon banner - the
purpureum signum draconis, in hand, the Caesar rode across the entire width of the field
with his Scholarii and placed himself between the cataphractarii and escape. Upon recognising the imperial banner of their
commander, the cavalry stopped their retreat. In one of the truly brilliant, and possibly
apocryphal mid-battle speeches of ancient history, Julian is recorded to have asked
his faltering warriors âWhither are we fleeing, my most valiant men? Do you know not that flight never leads to
safety, but shows the folly of a useless effort? Let us return to our companions, to be at
least sharers in their coming glory, if it is without consideration that we are abandoning
them as they fight for their country.â Julianâs magisterial charisma induced the
disgraced cataphractarii into turning their mounts around and returning to battle, but
it was too little, too late. The same auxilia palatina units that stood
like a rock in the face of routing riders now came under similarly vicious attack from
Chnodomarâs infantry. Even when faced with this pressure, the palatina
did not break, keeping the barbarians at bay until a Batavi palatina regiment from the
second line arrived and stabilised the line. Fortunately for them, the triumphant Germanic
cavalry was nowhere to be seen. Rather than crashing on and falling on the
remaining units opposing them post-victory, Chnodomarâs mounted division regrouped into
a great strike-force and wheeled around, traversing the entire length of the battlefield with
the likely aim of joining Serapio and exploiting a weakness on the Roman left. Despite being in balance, the battle near
Argentoratum was turning into a close-run thing and a breakthrough anywhere could signal
the bloody end for either side. While the fighting was ongoing, a number of
Alemanni nobles and their respective elite warrior cadres massed behind the barbarian
center. Once the fighters were ready and fired up,
a battering ram of Chnodomarâs very best troops barreled forwards, crashing straight
into the Roman center. Shortly after, they managed to tear a hole
straight through it. Julianâs entire first line recoiled at the
shock impact and bent into the shape of a bow snapped in the center. Hundreds of Alemanni elites streamed through
the gaping wound in the Roman battle line, threatening to roll up the entire formation
and win Chnodomar his long-awaited victory against the empire. To maintain composure in such a potentially
life-threatening situation is a testament to the hardened Roman infantry and their trust
in the Caesar by whom they were led. Julian was to prove that their trust was well
placed. Immediately after the Alemanni ramâs head
shattered Julianâs first line, the Caesar ordered his honoured Primani legion to meet
the threat. They did just that, meeting the Germanic charge
with their shields like a wall of steel, stopped it in its tracks and shoved it back, butchering
many of the interlopers in the process. Meanwhile, Severus pushed through the forest
and disordered Serapioâs wing before it had a chance to unite with the cavalry. This provoked a general Alemanni retreat in
that area of the battlefield and allowed Severus to swing inwards, carving through the enemy
flank. Julianâs standout auxilia palatina units
managed to push the Alemanni back as well, and this triggered a general barbarian flight. Many were slain during the battle itself,
but many times more were cut down as they fled towards the Rhine, speared in the back
by onrushing Roman cavalry or ruthlessly cut down by the swing of a legionaryâs sword. Once the exhausted survivors reached the river,
many attempted to swim across its breadth in their panic, only to ignominiously drown
or provide an easy target for Roman javelineers and archers. A significant number of Germans managed to
withdraw across the Rhine, but the prime barbarian Chnodomar was not among them. After attempting to escape numerous times
and fighting a last stand with 200 of his personal retinue atop a small hill, the Alemanni
warlord surrendered to a lone legionary officer who took him to Julian in chains. Following his reception of the kingâs acquiescence
to Roman demands, the Caesar sent Chnodomar off to Constantiusâ court. He eventually died of old age in Rome, far
from his native land. For what his figures are worth, Ammianus Marcellinus
tallies up the Roman dead at just 243 soldiers and four officers, two of which were cataphractarii
commanders, a third who served as tribune of the exemplary Cornuti auxilia regiment
and a fourth tribune who goes unnamed. Compared to this slight loss, Julianâs surveyors
recorded 6,000 dead Alemanni on the battlefield alone, not accounting for the later deaths
by drowning. At Argentoratum, the young bookworm Julian
won the final true victory that the Roman Empire would ever achieve before its western
half collapsed. His decapitation of the Alemanni confederation
meant that rather than facing a unified barbarian threat, the imperial forces could pick off
individual tribes off one by one. It was such a victory that Julianâs overeager
men acclaimed him Augustus, but the Caesar repudiated his soldiers and calmed their enthusiasm,
all too aware that the affront would trigger the paranoia of his murderous relative. In the second episode of our mini-series,
we will talk about Julianâs rise to power, as well as his struggle against Christianity
and his war against the Sassanids, so make sure you are subscribed and have pressed the
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we will catch you on the next one.
Kind of funny how Julian lived out the adolescent fantasy of a shut-in nerd who is one day summoned by the forces of destiny to become the protagonist of humanity. His biography could be an anime.
Crazy to think if he wouldâve lived longer as emperor and managed to convert Roman Empire back to paganism, what repercussions that wouldâve had to today. Christianity might never have become anything except a small cult or spin-off of Judaism. We might be going to worship the Greek Gods and the One in church today instead of ever knowing of the Bible.
Julian is an interesting emperor, but I found it incredibly distracting that the art depicted the emperor and soldiers wearing armor that hadn't been in widespread use for over 150 years, and they showed them wearing bracers.
It maybe be nitpicking, but I ride Hollywood fiction productions over that kind of error- I expect more out of something that is trying to be educational.