It is the early morning of June 18, 1053. Somewhere in southern Italy, Pope Leo IX anxiously
overlooks a meadow from the city walls. In front of the gate, his coalition army of
Italian, Lombardian and Swabian soldiers had set up camp, fully intending to meet the Normans
in battle. The Normans had been a welcome source of hired
swords for local Lombardian and Italian lords, and their mercenary services were even retained
by the Papacy and the Holy Roman Emperor. However, the Normans used their success on
the battlefield to expand their territory and influence across southern Italy. Many of their former employers now saw them
as a threat. As the Papal standard flew above the formations
of the coalition, the much smaller Norman army of grizzled veterans appeared on the
horizon, commanded by the famous Hauteville brothers. Having received reports that the Normans were
malnourished due to lack of supplies, the coalition leadership was confident. The Pope smarted that Italy lacked its freedom
because of THESE WICKED MEN who pressed Apulia under their yoke, insisting that now was the
time to expel them, once and for all... The early 11th century saw a steady stream
of Normans arriving in Southern Italy. Some say they came as pilgrims to worship
the shrine of Saint Michael, “the warrior saint”, at Monte Gargano in Apulia. Others claim it more likely that Pope Benedict
VIII invited the Normans to help keep the Byzantine Empire in check. Whatever the case, the warlike nature of the
new arrivals was not lost on the local ruling elite, and the Normans quickly found themselves
in demand as mercenaries, by the squabbling petty Italo-Lombard kingdoms and dukedoms
of Italy. Recruiting them alleviated some of the concerns
posed by internal rivalries, but more importantly, these small kingdoms now had the ability to
tackle the far greater threat posed by their powerful neighbors… … the Holy Roman Empire to the north, the
Byzantine Empire to the south, clinging on to their last territories on the peninsula,
and the raiding pirates who operated from the ports of the Muslim-controlled Sicily. Simply put, the demand for premier mercenary
troops was high and growing at a rapid pace, while the Normans were all too happy to service
anyone with enough coins on hand. And, attracted by the exploits of their countrymen,
more Normans arrived every year from France, by both land and sea. Their timing was near-perfect, during a period
when the Byzantine influence in the region was on the decline, as more and more of their military
units were moved to critical theatres of war elsewhere. The Lombard lords who rose to throw off the
Byzantine yoke, often turned to giving territory to the Normans, in place of payment for their
services. This policy was effective in the short term,
especially for the local lords that were running low on money but needed mercenaries to achieve
their objectives. However, in the long run, this worked against
the Lombard nobility. Giving land in exchange for military services
paved the way for Norman adventurers to carve out their own territory in Southern Italy. And by the late 1040’s they had a secure foothold
in Southern Italy, as three distinct fiefdoms formed. The County of Aversa was held by Richard Drengot. He was the nephew of the prior ruler, Rainulf
II, upon who’s death he was appointed guardian of Rainulf’s son and heir, a baby only a
few months old. But the infant boy mysteriously died only
a year later. Richard, now the last surviving member of
the House Drengot, took over the fief. Drogo de Hauteville, commander of another
prominent band of Norman mercenaries, exerted control over parts of Apulia from the Hauteville
stronghold of Melfi, on the slopes of the Apennines. He was the second son of Tancred, a minor
Norman baron, and had arrived in Italy in 1035 with his eldest brother William and his
younger brother Humphrey, in search of fortune. When William died in 1046, Drogo succeeded
him, and just a year later, for his service to none other than Henry III, the Holy Roman
Emperor, he was bestowed the title of ‘Duke and Master of all Italy and Count of all Normans
of Apulia and Calabria’. To Henry it didn’t matter that many of these
territories were ruled by the Emperor in Constantinople, as he sought to expand his own imperial influence
in Southern Italy at the expense of the Byzantines, and he banked on Drogo to do his bidding. Finally, Robert de Hauteville the sixth son
of Tancred , controlled parts of Calabria from his castle at San Marco Argentano, appointed
to this position by his older brother Drogo. Known for his cunning, Robert was a physically intimidating figure
and a capable commander, with a talent for inspiring his men. During his time in Calabria, he married well to a noble heiress,
Alberada of Buonalbergo, and had received a dowry of 200 knights. Norman power in Italy was growing. But it hadn’t gone unnoticed… “They weigh treachery by its chance of success.”
- William of Malmesbury In December 1048, the former bishop of Toul, Bruno von Egisheim-Dagsburg, made his way
from Worms to Rome. He was selected to become the next Pope by
an assembly of German and Italian bishops. He also received approval from Henry, a subtle reminder
of the sway that the Holy Roman Empire held over his appointment. Once in Rome, the red-haired German from Alsace
was consecrated in early 1049, assuming the name Leo IX. The new Pope was immediately met with a stream
of appeals from across Southern Italy that reported on the brutality of Norman rule. It was claimed that the Normans acted less
as knights and more as bandits, enriching themselves by plundering and spreading terror
among the population. Having received an excellent education growing
up, courtesy of his aristocratic origins, Leo IX was well versed in political matters, and the seriousness
of the current situation was not lost on him. He understood that, to the north, the ever-looming
Holy Roman Empire would remain an ally so long as the Pope respected the wishes of the
emperor. After all, it was the Holy Roman Emperor and the Roman
delegates who approved his elevation to the position of Pope. Antagonizing them would be a disastrous political
move. Worse, to the south, the powerful Norman warlords were
expanding and would soon have the entire Southern Italy in their grip. Squeezed in the middle, the Papal States and
the very independence of the Church were under threat. To Leo, it was clear that he had to prevent
the formation of a strong and aggressive Norman domain. The Pope’s first move was to appeal to his
cousin, Emperor Henry III, for military aid. But instead of sending troops, the emperor
commanded Leo to visit Southern Italy and re-establish the “freedom of the church”. On his way, the Pope heard tales of pillaged
towns. Stories of the plundered countryside. The Normans took food, crops, and plough animals,
and punished anyone who resisted by burning their vines and olive trees. Some said that not even the churches and monasteries
were safe from Norman looters. Once at the meeting with Drogo, Leo asked
that the pillaging of the countryside be stopped around Benevento, pointing out that the duchy was given
to the Church by Charlemagne some two centuries ago. Drogo understood that the fact that he was not visited
by a papal delegation, but by the Pope himself, meant that this request actually came
directly from Henry, the Holy Roman Emperor. Drogo didn’t need much convincing to accept
the demands, for it was Henry himself who made him Duke of Apulia and Calabria. The crafty Norman knew not to bite the hand
that fed him... not yet at least. But, while Drogo was the most powerful of
the Norman lords, in practice some warbands did not recognize his authority. Worse, in August 1051 he was assassinated,
possibly a victim of a Byzantine conspiracy, organized as part of their planned reconquest
of Apulia. After a brief interregnum, Drogo’s younger brother,
Humphrey de Hauteville was chosen as his successor. A hot-tempered man bent on revenge for his brother’s death,
Humphrey escalated the violent Norman raids in Benevento. This unnerved the Pope,
and he requested Henry’s aid. The Emperor did not recognise the threat,
but Leo was not left to fend for himself. Count of Winterthur, Adalbert II, supplied 700 Swabian infantry,
famous for their two handed swords. They were joined by more men sent by other
German lords . Many Italian and Lombard lords pledged their support, understanding that
siding with Leo was their best bet against the Normans, with groups of fighters sent by barons from
Apulia, Gaeta, Campania, Molise, Abruzzo, and Latinum. The Byzantine Emperor Constantine IX also
sided with Leo, aiming to consolidate his position in Apulia once the Normans were expelled. The Catepan of Italy, Argyrus, reached out
to the Pope informing him they had a mutual interest in the dispersing of the rowdy adventurers. “We saw beheaded bodies lying on the ground along with
horses knocked down with their own knights...”
- William of Apulia The Pope and Argyrus agreed to join forces
and march on the Normans. The Papal army gathered at Benevento in the
first week of June 1053. From there Leo marshalled his 6,000 men towards
the meeting point at Siponto, on the Adriatic coast, where he was to wait the arrival of
Argyrus’ host. Humphrey learned of the two coalition armies
approaching from different sides. If they were to link up, they would undoubtedly
overwhelm the Normans. He HAD to intercept the Papal host before
the Byzantines arrived. Time was of the essence. Humphrey called on Robert and Richard to quickly
muster whatever troops they could and had recruited a handful of Slavic mercenaries. The rendezvous point was the stronghold of
Troia. There, some 3,000 horsemen and 500 infantry
met and Humphrey led them north in In June, the Pope’s army, commanded by Rudolf
of Benevento, reached the small village of Civitate and set up camp outside its walls. They fielded a force of around 6,000 soldiers,
both cavalry and infantry. Scouts informed the Norman leadership of the
Papal army’s whereabouts. Encamped close by beyond a small elevation,
Humphrey and his fellow commanders realized that with 3,000 horsemen and 500 infantry
the odds were heavily stacked against them. To make matters worse, the Norman army was short on
supplies, and many in their ranks suffered from malnourishment. Understanding the danger they faced due to
attrition, and aware of the uneasiness the Norman warriors felt about taking up arms
against the Supreme Pontiff, Humphrey’s commanders sent an envoy to the Pope to request a truce,
even proposing they would swear fealty to the Holy Father. But the Papal commanders refused to open negotiations. They knew they had the upper hand over their
enemies. Getting weaker the longer they waited, the
Normans decided to take the initiative. They split their heavily-outnumbered army
into three divisions: 1,000 heavy cavalry, commanded by Richard
of Aversia, held the right wing; 1,000 of Humphry’s footmen and archers manned
the center; and Robert Guiscard’s 1,000 cavalry, with
roughly 500 Slavic infantry, held the left wing. Given how disadvantaged the Normans were,
the Papal leadership may have been surprised to see them deploying in front of Civitate. The Pope remained in the town itself, watching
from the walls together with his bishops. His army deployed into two divisions:
the heavy Swabian infantry held the right flank towards the center, deployed in a long,
thin line. Behind them stood the lesser-trained German
troops. The Italian and Lombard footmen and cavalry,
commanded by Rudolf of Benevento, manned the left in a scattered, loose formation. Richard of Aversia opened the Battle of Civitate
by charging against the Italian contingent. The Norman cavalry started at a slow trot,
then gradually picked up speed, bearing down on the Italo-Lombard lines. As Richard’s horsemen smashed into the opposing
infantry, the Papal vanguard nearly broke from the pure shock of the charge. In the second line, Rudolf of Benevento’s
men held their ground, standing firm in formation as savage fighting broke out on this sector
of the field. During this time, the heavy Swabian right
flank began their march towards the elevation. Despite their malnourishment and lack of numbers, the
Normans soon appeared to have the upper hand in combat. As Rudolf’s vanguard resisted hopelessly, his rearguard turned
around and fled back to their encampments. Many of these panicked soldiers fled the battlefield
altogether. As the fight continued, the Swabians advanced
against the Norman center, seizing the high ground. Humphrey’s archers met them with an enfilade
of arrows while his infantry advanced. The hail of projectiles chipped away at the Swabian vanguard,
as the Norman infantry rushed forward. The shields and swords soon met in a bitter melee,
as the Humphrey’s men tried to maneuver to outflank the enemy. The Swabians enjoyed a slight upper hand against
Humphrey’s men, but the combat remained relatively balanced, until Robert’s cavalry launched a massed
attacked against the unprotected Swabian right flank. The poorly equipped German troops held in the rear panicked
and immediately fled upon Robert’s arrival. This relieved much of the pressure against
Humphrey and cemented the fate of the Swabians, who continued to hold out bravely despite
the odds turning against them. Eventually, Richard’s army proved the decisive
factor. Rudolf was unable to rally his forces as his
flank broke down. This freed up cavalry to launch a charge against
the Swabians. The Norman horsemen stormed against the knights,
who now were truly surrounded with no way out. The Swabians put up a bitter, but hopeless
fight. “They chose rather to die than to turn tail." "Such was their bravery that they were far
more formidable like this than when riding" "on horseback” - William of Apuila about
the Swabian infantry There are no reliable sources about the casualty
figures, although it is certain a massacre took place - if only for the fact the Swabians
were lauded, both by friend and foe, for their courage and determination, often refusing
to retreat but preferring to die sword in hand. The Norman victory at the Battle of Civitate
had far-reaching consequences. After a brief siege of the town, the Normans
captured the Pope. In a likely record of events, the local population
threw him out, understanding that by having the Pope within the walls of the city they
would face the devastation and slaughter. The Byzantine army learned of the Papal defeat
and decided not to continue their campaign. They disbanded the troops, with some of their soldiers
remaining in Italy, while others sailed back to Greece. After nine months of imprisonment at Benevento,
the Normans released the Pope, but not before he recognised the Norman conquests. The victory was monumental for Robert, who was elevated to
leader of the Normans in Southern Italy. It would take several more years, but in 1059
the Treaty of Melfi, between the new Pope Nicholas II and the Normans, formally recognised
their power in Southern Italy. Now, former enemies found the Norman soldiers
a welcome asset, once again. Their troops were sought after to cow the
old guard of anti-reform Roman families and to prevent them from installing their own
papal candidates. And so began an unlikely alliance, between
the idealistic purist Church leaders and the self-serving Norman adventurers…
