532 AD. Constantinople, the
greatest city in the world, is in flames. But this is no barbarian attack. Citizens of the Eastern Roman Empire are rioting,
murdering state officials, and setting buildings on fire. Trapped inside his own palace, Emperor Justinian
fears his reign is over. He’s already given into the mob’s demands,
and sacked his most hated officials. But now the crowds acclaim a new emperor,
Hypatius. It’s his wife, Empress Theodora, who’ll
give him the courage to act. And his most trusted general, Belisarius,
to whom he’ll turn to crush his enemies, and save the regime. After centuries of imperial crisis, Justinian’s
reign will witness a Roman fightback that few had dreamed possible: great victories
over the barbarians, the reconquest of Rome itself, the reunification of the empire. Belisarius is the commander who will lead
this onslaught. He will be remembered as Rome’s last great
general. 527 AD. It’s more than 50 years since the fall of
the Western Roman Empire. Rome itself, the Eternal City, is now part
of an Ostrogothic Kingdom of Italy. But though Rome may have fallen, the Empire
endures. The Eastern Roman Empire remains a force to
be reckoned with. An estimated 30 million people live under
the rule of the Emperor in Constantinople. His authority stretches from the ravaged Balkans
to the imperial breadbasket, Egypt; the Arabian desert, to the mountains of Armenia. This Christian Empire remains unrivalled in
administrative sophistication, economic power, and military might. But the new emperor, Justinian, faces formidable
challenges. In 527 he succeeds Justin, his uncle and adopted
father, becoming the first son to succeed his father as emperor in more than a century. Justinian is from a tough, peasant background
in Illyricum, what’s now North Macedonia. He’s highly educated, restless and driven,
and sets himself two ambitious goals: First, to restore harmony in the Christian
church, by ending the schism between Chalcedonian, or Orthodox, Christians and Miaphysites, who
argue over Christ’s human and divine nature. Second, to reform and rationalise Roman law;
the divinely-sanctioned institution that distinguishes the Roman world from the barbarian. “The imperial majesty should not only be
adorned with arms but also be armed with laws, so that there may be good government in times
both of war and peace,” he later declares. But as for any Roman emperor, the ultimate
test of his legitimacy will come in war. For now, Justinian has good relations with
the Vandals in North Africa, and the Ostrogoths in Italy. The Balkan frontier requires constant vigilance:
the successors to Attila’s Hun empire are never quiet for long. But it’s in the east that Justinian faces
his most immediate challenge – the Persian Sassanid Empire, a rival superpower of the
Middle East. This frontier has been a battleground for
centuries, and witnessed its share of Roman defeats, including one emperor captured, another
killed. For most of the last century, the shared menace
of the Huns led to a wary co-existence. But it could not last. In 525, the Christian king of Iberia in the
Caucasus appealed to the Romans for aid, when the Persian King Kavadh tried to impose Zoroastrian
rituals on his country. The Romans send military aid, and the conflict
escalates, with both sides launching cross-border raids. When the Romans begin building a new fort
at Minduos, the Persians attack, rout the Roman troops and destroy the building works. One of the Roman generals to escape this debacle
is Flavius Belisarius. Clearly he is not blamed, because the next
year Justinian makes him commander of all Roman troops in the East, though he’s barely
thirty years old. Belisarius and the Emperor are old comrades,
and come from similar rural backgrounds in the Balkans. His wife Antonina is the best friend of Empress
Theodora.. and like her, from a low-born background - the daughter of an actress. With both Roman and Persian empires mobilising
for war, the next year, 530, will see Belisarius’s first major test as a commander. The troops that Belisarius commands are far
removed from the famous legions, with which Rome conquered its empire centuries ago. Hard lessons, learned from fighting Huns and
Persians, have helped to forge a new Roman army. For centuries, cavalry was the neglected arm
of the Roman military – a role usually outsourced to foreign auxiliaries. Now heavy armoured cavalry, known as clibanarii
and cataphracti, armed with lance and sword, form the army’s elite shock units. Some armoured cavalry, as well as koursoures
light cavalry, also carry bows. The Romans, in imitation of the Huns and Persian,
are now horse archers themselves. The best units are the bucellarii – the
‘biscuit-eaters’, named after the army ration. These handpicked soldiers form a general’s
personal regiment. Long service, good pay and equipment, plus
a personal oath of loyalty, make them his most reliable troops. Roman archers are now armed with the more
powerful composite, reflex bows of the Huns. And while infantry still made up around two-thirds
of a Roman army, its role is more defensive, forming a secure base from which the cavalry
could launch its attacks. The standard infantry unit is also smaller,
called a numerus in Latin, arithmos in Greek – about regimental size, from 1,000 to 1,500
men. They’re more mixed, with armoured veterans
to form a fulcum, or shield wall, and more missile troops behind them, to unleash a barrage
of arrows, javelins and darts. Finally – Rome boosts its military strength
by recruiting the very ‘barbarians’ it had once despised, including Huns, Goths and
Heruli. Those outside the empire are recruited as
mercenaries. Those within serve as foederati (federates),
and are usually commanded by their own officers. The military organisation of the empire has
also been overhauled. Two central field armies, stationed on either
side of the Bosporus, are commanded by a Magister Militum Praesentalis, and form a strategic
reserve. Field armies based in Thrace, Illyria, Armenia
and the East, are each commanded by a Magister Millitum, and form regional, rapid-reaction
forces. The frontiers are held by the limitanei. These are the lowest paid and least well-equipped
troops, only expected to hold their fortified outposts until reinforcements arrive. Limitanei are organised into local groups,
each commanded by a dux – origin of our word duke. “Yet the thought has many times occurred
to me, how many and how great are the benefits which accrue to states through History, which
transmits to future generations the memory of those who have gone before, and resists
the steady effort of time to bury events in oblivion.” The historian Procopius is our key witness
for the events of this period. He was born around 500 in the city of Caesarea
in Palestine, and received a first class education. In 527, he was appointed assessor, or legal
advisor, to Belisarius. He effectively became the general’s secretary,
and on occasion, aide-de-camp. Working from notes and writing in Greek, he
would publish his great work, History of the Wars, in 551. Procopius’s account is highly favourable
to Belisarius. But there will be a sting in the tail – a
scandalous ‘Secret History’, which will emerge later in the tale... 530 AD. King Kavadh sends an army to capture the Roman
frontier fortress at Dara. Today the ruins of Dara lie on the Turkish-Syrian
border, their scale hinting at the size of the Roman fortress that once stood here. Belisarius is warned that 40,000 Persian troops
are advancing on Dara. He can only assemble 25,000 troops to meet
them. For reasons that are unclear, Belisarius decides
to make his stand outside the city walls, to the south. His men dig ditches to strengthen their position,
with both flanks thrown forward. The infantry is placed in the centre, with
cavalry on both flanks. Two groups of 600 Hun mercenaries are positioned
between them, in support. At the rear, he places his reserve, his own
bucellarii. When the huge Persian army arrives before
Dara, Belisarius is ready and waiting. The first day begins with a stand off. The two generals exchange letters: Belisarius
urges Firouz to withdraw, to allow time for further negotiations; Firouz tells the Roman
to prepare his bath - he intends to be in Dara by nightfall. The Persians launch one probing attack against
the Roman left wing, perhaps testing their defences. The Persians are driven off with seven killed. When a young Persian warrior rides between
the lines, and challenges any Roman to face him in single combat, his offer is accepted
by Andreas. Andreas has no military training, but he’s
a wrestling instructor of huge strength. Before the Persian knows what’s happening,
Andreas has knocked him off his horse with his lance, then dismounts to finish him off,
like a sacrificial animal, in the words of Procopius. Andreas later kills a second Persian challenger,
to Roman cheers, and the dismay of the Persians. The next morning Firouz receives 10,000 reinforcements,
bringing his total strength to 50,000. With odds of two to one in his favour, he
decides to attack. Firouz forms up his army with infantry and
foot archers in the centre, and his Persian heavy cavalry, the feared savaran, on both
wings. He also divides his army into two parts: a
front line, and a reserve line, so that fresh troops can be rotated into the fighting. He keeps a unit of Immortals, the elite Persian
heavy cavalry, as his personal reserve. But first, he waits. He knows the Romans usually eat in the morning,
and are growing hungry, while his own troops are accustomed to eating later in the day. Finally, at noon, he gives the order. The Persian army advances to within bowshot,
and both armies unleash a storm of arrows. Persia is famed for the skill of its archers. But today, the wind favours the Romans. When the archers run out of arrows, the Persian
cavalry begins its advance. This is the moment Belisarius has prepared
for. The savaran crash into his left wing, driving
the Roman horsemen back. But the Persians haven’t spotted 300 Heruli
horsemen, hidden behind a slope on the Roman left, waiting for this moment. They rush out from cover and attack the Persian
cavalry from behind. Then 600 Huns fall on their flank. Under this onslaught, the Persian cavalry
turns and flees, with heavy losses. Firouz switches to the other flank, attacking
with his heavy cavalry supported by the elite Immortals. The Roman cavalry breaks under the pressure,
streaming back to the walls of Dara. But Belisarius has seen the threat. He recalls the Huns that are pursuing the
Persian right wing, and launches both Hun groups, as well as his own Bucellarii, against
the flank and rear of the Persian attack. It’s the decisive moment of the battle. The Persian left wing suddenly finds itself
under attack from three sides. Those that can’t escape are cut down. Sunicas, one of the Hun captains, kills a
Persian standard-bearer, then General Barsham himself, who commands the Persian left wing. With the elite units of the Persian army in
flight, the infantry offer little resistance. Most are peasant conscripts, no match for
Roman cavalry. Soon the entire Persian army is in rout. Belisarius, content with his victory, and
unwilling to risk any last-minute reverse, halts the pursuit. Procopius tells us 8,000 Persians lay dead
on the battlefield, a number that could be accurate. “For on that day the Persians had been defeated
in battle by the Romans, a thing which had not happened for a long time.” Belisarius has won a brilliant victory for
the Empire. Later that year Sittas, Magister Militum of
Armenia, wins another victory over the Persians at Satala. The war is swinging in Rome’s favour. But the following year, encouraged by a Samaritan
revolt in Palestine, King Kavadh orders a large-scale raid along the Euphrates River. Belisarius assembles an army to meet them. But having ravaged Roman territory, the Persians
are content to withdraw with their loot. Belisarius shadows them. His subordinates urge him to destroy the enemy
before they escape. So against his better judgement, he attacks
the Persians the day before Easter Sunday, at Callinicum. The battle is a disaster. Rome’s Arab allies, the Ghassanids, hold
the right flank. But Procopius accuses them of fleeing at the
first sign of danger. Persian cavalry rolls up the entire Roman
line. In desperation, the Roman infantry form a
shield wall with their backs to the river. They hold off the enemy cavalry, buying time
for the remains of the army to escape across the river. Callinicum is a humiliation for Rome, and
for Belisarius. His own role in the battle is unclear. According to Procopius he remained with the
infantry, organising the retreat. Another source claims he was among the first
to flee. It had clearly been a serious blunder to give
in to pressure from his subordinates, to fight an unnecessary battle. Belisarius is removed from command, and recalled
to Constantinople. Justinian is forced to pay a subsidy and make
a compromise peace with Persia. Not with King Kavadh, who dies that year,
but with his 20-year-old son, Khosrow. Khosrow will prove to be the greatest of all
Sassanian kings, hailed as Anushirvan, the Immortal Soul - and will prove a dangerous
rival to the Romans. When major rioting breaks out in Constantinople
the next year, Belisarius is in the capital, eager to restore his tarnished reputation. The riots have been instigated by the factions
of the Hippodrome, the Greens and Blues. These are more than chariot-racing fans – the
factions run whole areas of the city. At first they seek only the release of jailed
comrades. But then, there are calls for a new emperor
- Hypatius, nephew of Emperor Anastasius. It’s likely that Justinian’s rivals in
the Senate are now pulling the strings. Justinian hesitates. He wonders if they should flee the capital. Then Theodora speaks up. Life as a fugitive, she declares, would be
unendurable. Better the old saying, “royal purple makes
a noble shroud.” In others words, better to go down fighting. The Emperor is emboldened by Theodora’s
words, and orders Belisarius, and another general, Mundus, to crush the revolt. Belisarius’s hardened troops launch a sudden
attack on the rioters. There is no mercy. The streets run with blood. The final death toll is estimated at 30,000
– a staggering 1 in 20 of the city’s population. The next day, Justinian orders the execution
of Hypatius and his brother, probably innocent pawns in somebody else’s plot. Their bodies are tossed into the sea. Thanks to Theodora and Belisarius, Justinian’s
throne is safe... for now. A Roman Emperor relied on one quality more
than any other from his generals – loyalty. Belisarius has proved his beyond doubt. Now Justinian needs to shore up support for
his regime, assert his legitimacy and God’s favour – with a military victory. He has his costly peace with the Sassanid
Empire. So he will turn west. A war to reclaim Rome’s lost provinces from
the barbarians will be a service to God and Justinian. Such a mission can be entrusted to only one
man – Belisarius. When the Western Roman Empire was overrun
by ‘barbarians’ in the 5th century, the Vandals emerged as perhaps the most enterprising
of Rome’s enemies. From central Europe, they marched, killed
and looted their way through Roman territory… into Spain… and in 429, crossed into North
Africa under the leadership of King Geiseric There, he founded a kingdom, and took up piracy
with skill and enthusiasm. In 455 Geiseric sacked Rome itself. 75 years later, Eastern Romans and Vandals
had learned to tolerate each other. Emperor Justinian’s relations with the Vandal
king Hilderic were in fact extremely cordial. The two men exchanged gifts, and though Justinian
regretted that Hilderic was an Arian heretic, he was pleased that he did at least allow
Orthodox Christians in his realm to live in peace. Then, in 530 AD, there was a coup in the Kingdom
of the Vandals. Gelimer, Hilderic’s cousin and heir, seized
power and imprisoned the ex-king. Unlike his hapless predecessor, humiliated
in war by the Berber tribes, Gelimer was a proven warrior, and cunning to boot. When Justinian scolded Gelimer as a usurper,
the new Vandal king warned the Emperor to mind his own affairs… Then, for good measure, blinded one of Hilderic’s
nephews. Three years pass. Justinian makes peace with the Sassanid Empire,
and survives the Nika Riots. Now, he decides, it’s time to teach Gelimer
a lesson. Imperial propaganda, and the historian Procopius,
will later portray Justinian’s war on the Vandals as part of a long-held plan to reconquer
the western empire, “for the sake of true belief in God and the liberty of our subjects”. Modern historians are more sceptical. Justinian needs a victory to bolster his regime. Gelimer’s actions have provided just provocation. And the recovery of North Africa’s wealthy
estates will bring obvious benefits. Perhaps self-interest, opportunism and a sense
of divine, imperial mission all play a part in his decision to go to war. Many try to dissuade the Emperor. His senior advisor, John of Cappadocia, warns
of the hazards and cost of a long-range, seaborne operation. His generals are haunted by the fate of the
last Roman expedition to North Africa – a huge fleet destroyed by Vandal fireships off
Cape Bon. Justinian is not deterred. He orders the fleet and army to assemble at
Constantinople. Belisarius, restored to the rank of Magister
Militum per Orientem, General of the East, is given complete authority over the campaign. His force includes 10,000 infantry, under
the command of John of Dyrrachium; 5,000 cavalry, divided between foederati and regular Roman
units; as well as 600 Hun mercenaries, 400 Heruli mercenaries, and Belisarius’s own
Bucellarii, probably around 1,000 men. An old comrade, John of Armenia, will be his
second-in-command; Solomon, a eunuch, his chief staff officer. It is not a large army, but most are hardened
veterans from the wars in the East. Belisarius will also be accompanied by his
wife, Antonina - an arrangement that doubtless provokes comments from conservative Romans,
but seems to have been generally accepted. She will prove an insightful and effective
ally to her husband, as well as a valuable agent to her patron and friend, Empress Theodora. The fleet sets sail in June, 533. Belisarius believes that much will depend
on the discipline of his men. But before they’ve even cleared the Hellespont,
two Hun mercenaries drunkenly murder a comrade. Belisarius has them hanged in full view of
the fleet. Then he addresses the army. "If I were speaking to men going to war for
the first time, I might struggle to persuade you that justice can be our greatest ally
in obtaining victory. For those who don’t understand the fortunes
of war think the outcome depends on strength alone… But you, I think, know that although it’s
men who do the fighting, it is God who judges the contest.” This is why, Belisarius warns them, he will
never turn a blind eye to their crimes. He concludes: “I shall not consider any one of you my
comrade, no matter how fearsome he is to the enemy, unless his hands are clean.” The fleet continues its voyage, making stops
to pick up supplies and additional troops. Along the way 500 men die from eating mouldy
bread, which Procopius blames on cost-cutting measures by the stingy John of Cappadocia. In Sicily, Belisarius receives fresh supplies
from the Goths. There, as he ponders his next move, he receives
stunning news: Not only are the Vandals completely unaware
of his expedition, but Gelimer has sent his brother Tzazo, with most of the Vandal fleet
and 5,000 troops, to quell a revolt in Sardinia. Belisarius might have been tempted to land
in Tripolitania – where Romanized locals are already in revolt against the Vandals. But reassured by the absence of the Vandal
fleet, he decides to land in the Vandal heartland, within striking distance of their capital,
Carthage. The landing is unopposed. But Belisarius is furious when some of his
men steal from the locals. He has them punished, then speaks once more
to the troops. “…the Libyans, being Romans from of old,
are unfaithful and hostile to the Vandals… now your lack of self-control has made the
opposite true.” He warns them that lawlessness will lose them
the support of the people, and lead only to defeat and death. But with good behaviour… “…you will have God on your side, the
Libyan people will support you, and the Vandals will be at your mercy.” Belisarius orders some of his most trusted
men to infiltrate a nearby town, Syllectum, to see if the people will come over to the
Roman side. The soldiers enter discreetly at dawn. They inform local elders that Belisarius has
come to overthrow Gelimer the usurper, and restore their freedom. The townsmen agree to let the army into the
city, and open the market to them. Belisarius is gracious and generous to the
Libyans. Crucially, his men behave well. They pay for supplies, and win the trust of
the locals. Procopius, an eyewitness, records that from
henceforth, the campaign is like moving through their own country. Belisarius begins his advance along the coastal
road to Carthage. He knows Gelimer is somewhere inland, and
could strike from almost any direction. So he orders John of Armenia, his second-in-command,
to take 300 bucellarii and scout 2 miles ahead of the main army. Belisarius himself commands a strong rearguard. The Huns are posted as a flank guard, 2 miles
inland. Their sea flank is protected by the fleet,
keeping pace with the army’s advance. The army marches about 10 miles each day,
then fortifies a camp at night. When Gelimer receives news of the Roman landing,
he sends a message to his brother Ammatas in Carthage. First he is to execute Hilderic and the other
prisoners. Then he is to gather all his men, and join
Gelimer at Ad Decimum, where they will ambush and destroy Belisarius’s army. Ad Decimum, 10 miles south of Carthage. Here the coastal road passes through a narrow
gap between a salt marsh and the sea. Gelimer knows Belisarius will have to pass
this way, and that the headland of Cape Bon will separate him from his fleet. Ammatas is to hold the road to Carthage, and
when the Romans are fully engaged, Gelimer and his nephew Gibamund will fall on their
flank and rear. Belisarius and his army approach. Roman patrols report skirmishes with the Vandals. Gelimer is close. A few miles short of Ad Decimum, Belisarius
gives the order to make camp, and sends John’s vanguard ahead to scout the road. At Ad Decimum, they find Ammatas, with just
a handful of troops. He has arrived too early. The rest of his men are still strung out on
the road to Carthage. John and the bucellarii charge. Ammatas fights bravely, killing 12 men before
he is cut down. The Vandal survivors flee back towards Carthage,
with John and his men in pursuit. Groups of Vandals coming up the road see the
fleeing horsemen. They think the whole Roman army must be headed
their way. They panic and join the rout. John and his men slay all the Vandals they
can catch. Meanwhile, on the edge of the salt lake, the
Huns have encountered Gibamund’s column. According to a Hun custom, a single warrior
rides forward to meet the enemy. This is the first time Gibamund and his men
have faced Huns… but they know their fearsome reputation. They are unnerved by the lone horseman, and
suspect a trap. When the Huns charge, the Vandals quickly
turn and flee. Gibamund is one of those killed in the rout. Gelimer is advancing between low hills that
block his view of both Belisarius’s camp, and the fate of Gibamund. Belisarius is also unaware that battle has
been joined, but sends his foederati cavalry forward, expecting some skirmishing with the
Vandals. When his cavalry reach Ad Decimum, they see
signs of fighting, and bodies. Then several thousand Vandal horsemen appear
behind them. The foederati commanders have no idea whether
to advance or retreat. After a brief clash, the entire force retreats
back towards the Roman camp. Gelimer is now in position to deal Belisarius
a serious blow: if he heads north, he can trap and destroy John’s isolated vanguard. If he moves south, he can hit the Roman cavalry
while it’s still confused and disordered. Instead, Gelimer discovers the body of his
brother Ammatas, and is overcome with grief. As their king oversees his brother’s burial,
his perplexed troops look on, and do nothing. Belisarius is given a crucial breathing space. He rallies his cavalry, reorganises them,
and leads them forward. The Roman cavalry fall on the Vandals with
devastating force. The enemy are scattered. Gelimer and the survivors fly west. The road to Carthage is open. “And it fell to Belisarius that day to win
more fame than any other man of his time, or indeed any of the men of olden times.” Belisarius, wary of ambush, waits till dawn
the next day before making his triumphal entry into Carthage. Once more, his troops behave well. The citizens of Carthage are respected. This peaceful occupation of such a wealthy
city, in such times, is remarkable. Belisarius sits on Gelimer’s throne, and
eats the lunch that had been prepared for him. He attends to the requests and pleas of local
citizens. But the Vandals aren’t beaten yet. Belisarius receives news - intended for Gelimer
– that Tzazo has put down the Sardinian revolt, and is returning with 5,000 men. Reinforced, Gelimer advances on Carthage. Belisarius leads out his army to face him,
at Tricamarum. The Roman cavalry camps near a small brook…
where the Vandals catch them off guard, deploying for battle while the Romans are still making
lunch. But again, Gelimer fails to exploit an advantage. He does nothing, as the Romans deploy... and
their infantry, which had fallen behind on the march from Carthage, gets into position. It’s the Romans who attack first, when John
of Armenia leads the bucellarii forward, against the Vandal centre. Twice, he is repulsed. But the third attack is made with greater
force. Tzazo himself is killed within sight of Gelimer. Belisarius orders the rest of his army forward. The Vandals flee, leaving behind 800 dead. The Romans have lost just 50 men. The Vandals take refuge in their camp, which
contains all their baggage, and their families. But when Belisarius brings up his infantry
to begin the assault, King Gelimer flees. The fight is entirely one-sided. Panic soon engulfs the Vandal camp, as everyone
tries to escape. The Romans kill the men, enslave the women
and children, and plunder all they can find. Belisarius cannot restore discipline until
the morning. Gelimer flees towards the mountains. Belisarius sends John in pursuit with 200
horsemen, but five days later, John is accidentally killed by one of his own men. Belisarius grieves at the death of his old
comrade. He sends Pharas and his Heruli to take over
the pursuit of Gelimer. The Vandal king takes refuge with the Berber
tribes. Three months later, hunger, and the promise
of comfort and clemency, persuades him to surrender. Meanwhile, Belisarius sends one of his officers
to Sardinia with the head of the king’s brother, Tzazo. The island quickly submits to Roman rule,
as too does Corsica. From Carthage, detachments and emissaries
travel east and west, as North Africa rejoins the Roman Empire. Settlements and outposts still suffer Berber
raids. But Belisarius delegates this war to his able
staff officer, Solomon. He sails for Constantinople with his prisoners,
and a vast quantity of loot. He has learned that a small group of officers,
motivated by envy and ambition, have told the Emperor that Belisarius plans to found
his own kingdom in North Africa. Belisarius soon persuades Justinian in person
that this is all lies, and his loyalty is absolute. The Emperor rewards him with a triumph – the
victory parade with which, for a thousand years, the Romans had celebrated their greatest
conquests. It’s the first triumph to be awarded to
anyone but an Emperor in 500 years. He is also awarded the title of Consul – once
the senior political office in the Roman Republic, long since reduced to an honorary title. Belisarius’s loot, including much of what
the Vandals had plundered from Rome, is paraded in front of the citizens of Constantinople,
and the Emperor… along with his prisoners, including King Gelimer himself, who is heard
to mutter words from the Old Testament… “Vanity of vanities… all is vanity.” “…whether such events as these ever took
place before I am not able to say: the Vandal kingdom at the height of its wealth and military
strength, completely undone in so short a time by 5,000 men… For such was the number
of horsemen who followed Belisarius, and carried through the whole war against the Vandals. For whether this happened by chance or valour,
one would justly marvel at it.” Known to history as the Vandalic War, Belisarius’s
campaign has reclaimed one of the Roman Empire’s wealthiest provinces in just 6 months, with
minimal losses. The Battle of Dara had proven his skill as
a tactical commander. In North Africa, his victory comes through
discipline and diplomacy, and a brilliantly successful hearts and minds campaign. But already, it’s clear there are those
within the Empire who resent such success, and seek his downfall. Belisarius will not have long to rest on his
laurels. A murder in far-off Tuscany is about to lead
to his most formidable challenge yet… The victim is Amalasuntha, daughter of Theoderic
the Great. Her death means war between the Eastern Empire
and the Goths – a war that will lead Belisarius to the gates of Rome itself. Sixty years have passed since the Western
Roman Empire fell to barbarians. Many kings emerged to rule over its shattered
remains. Above them all, towered Theoderic the Great. With Eastern Roman approval, he’d led his
Ostrogoth warbands from the Balkans into Italy. He overthrew and killed Odoacer, the man who’d
deposed the last Western Emperor, and forged his own Goth superstate. Theoderic, an Arian Christian, worked with
the Senate in Rome, and sought close relations with the Eastern Roman Empire. To Emperor Anastasius, he wrote, “Our royalty
is an imitation of yours, modelled on your good purpose, a copy of the only Empire.” Procopius, the 6th century historian and aide
to Belisarius, would himself praise Theoderic as “in name a tyrant, but in fact an emperor,
no less than any who’ve ever distinguished themselves in that office.” In the eyes of his supporters, Theoderic had
revived the Western Roman Empire in all but name. But the succession would unravel his great
achievement. Theoderic had three daughters. So his heir was to have been his son-in-law
Eutharic. But he died four years before the king, in
522. The succession passed to Theoderic’s 10-year-old
grandson Athalaric. His mother, the highly educated and formidable
Amalasuntha, ruled as regent. In defending her position, Amalasuntha made
powerful enemies among the Goths… and when her son died aged just 18… one of those
enemies, her cousin Theodohad, became king. In 535, he has Amalasuntha imprisoned on an
island in the middle of Lake Bolsena. Weeks later, assassins arrive. They’re rumoured to be vengeful relatives
of men Amalasuntha had had killed during her regency. The daughter of Theoderic the Great is strangled
in her bath. Theodohad thinks he can quietly eliminate
his rival without repercussions. But Amalasuntha had been a trusted ally of
the Emperor Justinian. And he is looking for an excuse for war… “And the emperor, upon learning what had
befallen Amalasuntha, immediately entered upon the war, being in the ninth year of his
reign.” For Justinian, chaos at the Ostrogoth court
presents an opportunity. After success in North Africa, he wants Italy
for the Empire – the strategic and symbolic gains will be immense. Before her death, Amalasuntha had offered
him the kingdom in exchange for political asylum. Now Justinian pressures Theodohad – a notoriously
corrupt and greedy man – to accept the same deal... or face war. Justinian’s tough diplomacy is backed up
by military deployments: Mundus, commanding the army in Illyria, advances into Goth-controlled
Dalmatia, and takes Salona – the modern city of Split. Belisarius, meanwhile, is ordered to sail
with 9,000 men to Sicily, to see if the Goths there will put up a fight. Only the garrison of Palermo offers resistance,
which is soon overcome. The rest of Sicily submits to the Romans without
a fight. On the last day of 535, Belisarius marks the
end of his Consulship, scattering coins to the crowds in Syracuse as his troops march
triumphantly through the city. As negotiations continue in the Goth capital
Ravenna, between Theodohad and Justinian’s envoy, Solomon – Praetorian Prefect of North
Africa - arrives in Sicily, with alarming news from Carthage. The army, angered by late pay and religious
discrimination, has murdered its officers, and mutinied. Belisarius immediately sails for Carthage
with just 100 picked men. His own formidable reputation, plus generous
handouts of cash, quickly secures the loyalty of 2,000 troops, whom he leads out to face
the 9,000 mutineers. The mutineer army is a motley crew of Romans,
mercenaries, renegade Vandals and escaped slaves, commanded by Stotzas, a former bucellarius. They have no generals, and little discipline. When Stotzas tries to manoeuvre his army into
a better position, it becomes badly disordered. Belisarius immediately launches an all-out
attack. Stotzas and his army turn and run. Belisarius has saved Carthage. But the war in North Africa against Berbers
and rebels will drag on for 15 more years. This task falls to Solomon, as Belisarius
must race back to Sicily to quash another mutiny among his own troops. In the Balkans, meanwhile, a Goth counterattack
results in the death of General Mundus and his son, and the Romans make a tactical withdrawal. When news of this minor triumph reaches King
Theodohad, he feels suddenly emboldened, and rejects all Justinian’s demands. Belisarius receives new orders. He is to cross the Strait of Messina, and
reconquer Italy from the Ostrogoths. Belisarius lands in Italy with barely 8,000
men. The bulk of his troops are infantry, including
3,000 Isaurians - fierce warriors from the Taurus Mountains of Anatolia. His cavalry includes Hun and Berber mercenaries,
as well as the elite bucellarii – the picked troops maintained by Belisarius, and other
senior commanders. As in North Africa, he is accompanied on campaign
by his wife Antonina, a capable and trusted ally of Empress Theodora. That the Emperor entrusts the campaign to
such a small force – when the Goths can field an army four times its size – indicates
Justinian’s supreme confidence in Belisarius. But it is also a sign that he has badly underestimated
the Goths, and their will to fight. Belisarius’s army is welcomed by Southern
Italians, and meets no opposition as far as Naples. This city has strong walls and a garrison
of 800 Goths. Belisarius appeals directly to its citizens,
urging them to throw open the gates, and warning of the dire consequences of an assault. “I pray that an ancient city, which has
long been inhabited by Christians and Romans, may not meet with such a fortune, especially
at my hands as a commander of Roman troops.” The citizens of Naples are divided, but ultimately,
their leaders reject the demand to hand over the city. When Belisarius’s troops sneak into the
city using an old aqueduct, there is a savage slaughter of Goths and Italian citizens alike…
until the general can restore order. The main Ostrogoth army has been standing
idle, 60 miles to the north. Theodohad, never suited to military command
and now unsettled by omens, does nothing to save Naples. It’s his own death sentence. He is deposed, and killed. Vitigis becomes the new king of the Ostrogoths. He is in his 60s, but he’s an experienced
soldier who fought alongside Theoderic the Great. He assumes that Belisarius must be leading
a large army up from the south, and wants more time to gather his forces. He also plans to negotiate a truce with the
Franks, which will free up more troops for the war against the Romans. So leaving 4,000 men to hold Rome, Vitigis
withdraws to Ravenna. Belisarius garrisons Naples, and advances
up the old Roman road, the Via Latina, to Rome. But as he nears the great city… the Goths
simply abandon it. They march out thought the Porta Flaminia,
as Belisarius and his army march in through the Porta Asinaria – a gate which, though
much restored, survives to this day. 60 years after the fall of the Western Empire,
Rome once more belongs to the Romans. Belisarius duly despatches the keys to the
city to Emperor Justinian. Rome in the 6th century is still a great city,
but a shadow of its former glory. In its imperial heyday, Rome’s population
had been around half a million – now it’s just a fifth of that. But it remains the seat of the Roman Senate,
and the Pope, and a city of intense emotional and cultural significance to all Romans. The city is also notoriously difficult to
defend – which is why the Goths have abandoned it. The famous Aurelian Walls are crumbling, and
at 12 miles in length, are too long for a small army to easily hold. The Goths had also worried about Rome’s
large population, that might turn against them. Belisarius is down to 7,000 men - not enough
to face the Goths in open battle. So he sends detachments to garrison key strongholds
along the Via Flaminia, the road to Ravenna.. which he hopes will delay the inevitable Goth
advance… …While in Rome, he and his men begin hurried
preparations for a siege. The walls are repaired, and merlons are added. A deep moat is dug around the city. The granaries are filled with grain. All Rome’s adult male citizens are conscripted
into the city guard. Vitigis, meanwhile, has been told how small
Belisarius’s army is. Embarrassed by his earlier caution, he gives
the order for his reinforced army to march on Rome. His chief concern is to get there before Belisarius
can escape… but Belisarius has no plans to flee. “’And whoever of you has hopes of setting
foot in Rome without a fight is mistaken in his judgment. For as long as Belisarius lives, it is impossible
for him to relinquish this city.’ Such were the words of Belisarius.” 537 AD. In early spring, Vitigis leads a huge Goth
army – probably more than 30,000 men - down the Via Flaminia, sweeping past the small
Roman outposts. Belisarius plans to fight a delaying action
a mile and a half north of the city, at the Salarian Bridge. But his infantry, terrified by the size of
the Goth army, abandon the bridge without a fight. Belisarius is left facing the Goth army with
just a thousand horsemen. He orders his men to charge. Belisarius himself fights in the front rank. Scores of men fall around him. Goth spears finally drive Belisarius and his
men back towards the Porta Salaria. At first, its defenders don’t recognise
Belisarius, covered in dust and gore, and won’t let him in. He’s forced to launch another desperate
charge to drive the Goths back from the walls. Finally the gate is opened, and he and his
men get back into the city. The siege of Rome begins. The city is too large for Vitigis to completely
surround. He builds 7 fortified camps north of the city…
and cuts the aqueducts that have supplied Rome with water for 800 years. There will be no baths for the Romans. But the city’s wells will still supply drinking
water. When Belisarius rejects calls to surrender,
the Goths begin building rams, ladders and siege towers for a major assault. 18 days later, they attack. But their inexperience in siege warfare is
soon evident. Their towers are pulled by oxen. The Romans shoot all the animals, and the
towers are left stranded. The Goths assault the city from multiple directions. The Mausoleum of Hadrian, converted into a
fortress, comes under heavy pressure. But eventually, the Goths are thrown back
on all fronts. That night, the Romans celebrate a great victory,
lighting fires and singing from the battlements. Both sides prepare for a long siege. Belisarius is an inspiring presence in the
city: active, calm and confident, even when others begin to despair. He has written to Justinian, urgently requesting
reinforcements. Now he oversees every aspect of the city’s
defence and supply. He orders all non-combatants to travel south
to Naples, so there are fewer mouths to feed. He has the keys to the gates changed regularly,
to reduce the risk from treachery, while his Berber mercenaries patrol at night with dogs,
to detect any surprise attack. His wife, Antonina, also takes an active role. When the pope is suspected of conducting secret
talks with the Goths, she demands, “Tell us lord pope Silverius, what have we done
to you and the Romans to make you want to betray us to the Goths?” The Pope is arrested and sent out of the city. A month into the siege, Belisarius receives
much needed reinforcements: 1,600 cavalry, mostly Huns and Slavs led by Martinus and
Valerian. Belisarius has seen that the Goths have no
mounted archers. Now he can use his own to make hit and run
attacks against the enemy. A few hundred horsemen will ride within range
of the Goths… shower them with arrows… then fall back under covering fire from the
city walls. Procopius counts 67 actions of this type,
both large and small. Almost all are won by the Romans because of
their superior cavalry. The victories raise morale, and frustrate
the enemy. But they will not break the siege. The situation deteriorates dramatically when
the Goths take Portus – Rome’s port at the mouth of the River Tiber, making it much
more difficult to get supplies into the city. By September, six months into the siege, hunger
and sickness begin to take hold. Even the army’s mules are killed to make
sausages. The citizens of Rome beg Belisarius to stake
everything on one decisive battle for the city. But he refuses, telling them: “You act as though you were playing dice
and want to risk everything on a single roll. But it is not my custom to choose the short
course over the best course.” Instead, Belisarius sends Antonina and Procopius
to Naples, with instructions to use his authority to requisition all grain, and every soldier
who can be spared, and send both to Rome. 500 men and a convoy of supplies are soon
rolling up the Via Appia. They’re followed by 1,800 cavalry reinforcements
who land at Dryus – modern Otranto. Then 3,000 Isaurians arrive at Naples aboard
grain ships, and travel on to Ostia by sea. After months of delay, the vast resources
of the Eastern Roman Empire are finally coming to Belisarius’s aid. The garrison of Rome launch a series of diversionary
attacks on the Goths. These allow the supplies, under Antonina’s
direction, to slip into the city. The threat of starvation is ended. It’s the last straw for Vitigis. His own men have been camped outside Rome
for almost a year, harassed by the enemy, themselves decimated by disease and hunger. The Ostrogoth king asks for a truce, to open
negotiations with the Emperor. He offers Justinian all of southern Italy. But it is not enough. The initiative has swung to Belisarius. Belisarius has sent an elite force of 2,000
cavalry, commanded by John, north into Picenum, behind enemy lines. When the Goths break the terms of the truce,
Belisarius orders John to unleash hell. Almost all the Goth warriors are away on military
service. Their farms and settlements are completely
exposed. John sacks, burns and plunders at will, enslaving
hundreds of Goth women and children. Romans are not harmed. Vitigis’s uncle gathers a small force to
challenge John. They’re no match for his bucellarii. The Goth force is massacred. John ignores the Goth strongholds at Urbino
and Auximum… but at the invitation of its citizens, occupies the walled city of Ariminum,
just 30 miles south of the Ostrogoth capital at Ravenna. Vitigis has no choice but to abandon the siege,
and march north to defend the Goth heartland. Against the odds, under-resourced and outnumbered,
Belisarius has triumphed in one of history’s most epic sieges – a siege that has lasted
one year and nine days. Because of him, the city of Romulus and the
Caesars once more belongs to the Roman Empire. The war against the Goths in Italy seems to
be entering its final phase. Belisarius’s position appears unassailable. But as every emperor knows, the history of
the empire has been blighted time and again by the treachery of overmighty generals. Belisarius’s victories are as glorious as
any in Rome’s history. How can Justinian not regard him with suspicion? In 538, Italy’s largest and most prosperous
city is not Rome or Ravenna, but Milan; to the Romans, Mediolanum. Its citizens wish to be reunited with the
Empire, and at the Bishop of Milan’s request, Belisarius sends a small force to aid them. They defeat local Goth forces at Ticinum,
and enter Milan in triumph. But in central Italy, Belisarius faces a dilemma. One of his best generals, John, nephew of
Vitalian, has taken Ariminum with 2,000 elite cavalry. Now King Vitigis and the Ostrogoth army is
marching from Rome, and will soon trap him in the city. Belisarius orders two trusted officers to
get there first with infantry reinforcements. They are to swap places with John and his
valuable cavalry, freeing them up for mobile operations. But when the reinforcements arrive at Ariminum,
John refuses to obey Belisarius’s orders. Instead, he adds the infantry to his own force,
and prepares to hold the city. Within days, John is cut off, and under siege. The Goths make their first assault with a
giant siege tower. In heavy fighting, the Romans beat them back. But John does not have enough supplies to
hold out for long. John’s insubordination puts Belisarius’s
entire campaign in peril. He will lose some of his best troops if Ariminum
falls. But a dash north risks leaving several, strong
Goth garrisons in his rear, including 10,000 experienced Goth warriors at Auximum. Belisarius’s advance meets with early success,
as the Goths at Tudera and Clusium surrender without a fight. As he ponders his next move, news arrives
that 7,000 Roman reinforcements have landed near Firmium. Belisarius marches to join them, and meet
with their commander… one of the most powerful men in the empire – Narses the Eunuch. Narses - Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi – Grand
Chamberlain of the Palace - is Justinian’s closest advisor. As a eunuch, he can pose no dynastic threat
to the emperor, and so is entrusted with enormous power and influence. Narses had distinguished himself during the
Nika Riots, bribing sections of the mob to switch sides… while Belisarius and Mundus
had dealt more directly with the rest. Belisarius has military command in Italy,
but he cannot simply issue orders to someone as important as Narses. So he convenes a council of war, seeking agreement
on the way forward. Belisarius’s officers argue that John has
only himself to blame for his fate. They should not risk the army to save him. But Narses is close to John, and thinks differently: “If John treated your orders with insolence,
most excellent Belisarius, he has already been punished enough, since it is now in your
power to either save or abandon him to the enemy. But you must ensure that neither we nor the
Emperor are also punished for his mistakes. For if the Goths capture Ariminum, it will
be their good fortune to capture a capable Roman general, as well as an army and city
subject to the emperor. And the disaster will not stop there, but
will affect the entire fortune of the war." As the council meets, a message arrives from
John. His men are starving, and unless relieved,
he must surrender in seven days. It is agreed that an attempt must be made
to rescue John and his troops. In an elaborate operation, 1,000 troops are
left to cover the Goth garrison at Auximum. One force will advance straight up the coastal
road… Another force will move up by sea, threatening
an amphibious landing… While Belisarius and Narses march inland,
and approach from the west. The plan works perfectly. Vitigis receives reports of Roman forces closing
in from all directions. Fearing encirclement, he abandons the siege,
and hurriedly withdraws to his capital, Ravenna. But despite their success, all is not well
in the Roman camp. When Belisarius invites John to thank those
who’ve come to his rescue, John announces that his only debt is to Narses. His words fuel the growing distrust between
Belisarius and Narses. In the words of Procopius, historian and eyewitness,
“From that time on these two men began to regard each other with great suspicion.” The chain of command among Eastern Roman generals
is not always clear, and is rarely set in stone. Referring decisions back to the Emperor takes
months, so a general’s authority may often rest on his ability to win over his senior
officers. It’s possible Justinian encourages such
a system, to hinder overmighty generals who are tempted to challenge his rule. Is this why he has sent Narses to Italy, to
clip the wings of Belisarius? We don’t know. But for the war in Italy, the consequences
of this system will soon lead to catastrophe. John and other discontented officers begin
to encourage Narses to oppose Belisarius. It is beneath his dignity, they tell him,
to take orders from a mere general. When Belisarius reveals his plan to methodically
eliminate the Goth strongholds in central Italy, prior to an advance on Ravenna, Narses
objects. The strategy is too cautious. Instead, Narses proposes an immediate advance
into Aemilia, to seize more territory from the Goths. In frustration, Belisarius produces a letter
from the Emperor: “We have not sent our steward Narses to
Italy in order to command the army. We wish Belisarius alone to command the whole
army in whatever manner seems best to him. It is the duty of all to obey him in the interest
of our Republic.” To which Narses replies, ‘your strategy
is not in the interest of the Republic’. The army splits into two factions, each pursuing
its own strategy: a potentially disastrous situation, but fortunately for the Romans,
one which Vitigis in Ravenna fails to exploit. Belisarius is able to take Urbino when its
well unexpectedly fails. Narses sends John to capture Forum Cornelii,
in Aemilia. But in the north a storm is brewing. “This city of Milan far surpasses all the
cities of Italy in size and population and every other sort of prosperity… this city, I say, has fallen into great danger…
the urgency of the moment does not allow me to use many words…But you, I say, must defend
the people of Milan in their peril with all possible speed. If you hesitate to come to us in the present
crisis, the result will be that we will perish after suffering the most cruel fate possible…” 539 AD. Milan is held by just 300 Roman troops and
its citizen militia. The Goths have reacted swiftly to its loss,
and the city is now besieged by Uraias, the king’s nephew. He is supported by a huge force of Burgundians
sent by Theodebert, King of the Franks – a Goth ally, though how far he can be trusted
is anyone’s guess. By winter, Milan is starving. Its people are eating mice and dogs. Belisarius, besieging Urvivento, orders a
force to march to the city’s aid. But when its commanders learn of the size
of the Burgundian force, they halt at the River Po, and refuse to go further without
support from John and his troops in Aemilia. By now, John only obeys orders from Narses. By the time Belisarius has written to Narses
and persuaded him of the urgency of the situation… it is too late. The garrison of Milan ignore their commander’s
plea to die like heroes, and negotiate their own surrender… abandoning the civilians
to their fate. Goths and Burgundians slaughter every male
they can find in the city. Women and children are given to the Burgundians
as slaves. One of the greatest cities in Italy is plundered
and razed to the ground. The destruction of Milan is the direct consequence
of a fatally divided Roman high command. Shocked into action, Justinian recalls Narses
to Constantinople. Belisarius once more has sole, undisputed
command in Italy. The northern part of the country has now been
ravaged by two years of war, in which time no harvests are gathered. Vitigis cannot campaign without supplies,
and remains in Ravenna. Roman forces can be supplied by sea, with
grain from Sicily and the south. But in the countryside, Italian peasants begin
to starve. “I will now tell of the appearance they
acquired and how they died, for I was an eyewitness. All of them first became lean and pale, for
the flesh, lacking nourishment, “turned on itself”, to use the old expression… As the evil developed, all moisture left them
and the skin became so dry that it resembled leather more than anything else... They changed from a livid to a black colour,
whereupon they came to resemble burned-up torches. Their faces always wore an expression of amazement,
and a dreadful sort of insane stare.” Procopius estimates that famine claims 50,000
lives in Picenum alone, with bodies left unburied, and rumours of cannibalism. When King Theodebert himself suddenly leads
a great Frankish army into northern Italy, attacking Goths and Romans alike, he finds
he has entered a wasteland. His army, unable to find supplies and decimated
by disease and dysentery, quickly withdraws back across the Alps. The war grinds on, as Belisarius besieges
the Goth strongholds at Faesulae and Auximum. Auximum is impregnable. Only starvation will force the Goths to give
up. Skirmishes are fought in the surrounding hills,
as each side ambushes the enemy’s foraging parties. Belisarius is amazed by the Goths’ determination. Eventually, he learns from a prisoner that
one of his own men has been passing messages from Vitigis to the garrison, promising help,
urging them to hold out a little longer. Belisarius arrests the traitor, then sends
him back to his unit, for them to punish as they see fit. They burn him alive, in full view of the enemy. The garrisons of Faesulae, then Auximum, are
finally starved into surrender. Belisarius grants them both generous terms. Then, with his rear secure, he begins his
advance on Ravenna. Reinforcements from Dalmatia approach from
the north. Ravenna is protected by a lagoon, marshes,
and shoals along the coast. Parts of its 9-metre-high, brick curtain wall
can still be seen today, incorporated into later Venetian fortifications. It is strongly held. But the Roman noose is tightening. A vital grain shipment along the Po River
is intercepted. A mysterious fire breaks out in the city’s
granary. The Goth king puts much hope in his nephew
Uraias, approaching with a relief force of 4,000 men. But when the troops learn that their own strongholds
have gone over to the Romans, they leave for home. In despair, Vitigis agrees to open negotiations. Imperial envoys arrive from Constantinople. But the treaty they offer to Vitigis is so
generous that Belisarius refuses to sign it, believing he’s on the cusp of complete victory. Without Belisarius’s endorsement, the Goths
also regard the treaty with suspicion. Sidelining King Vitigis, Goth nobles send
their own delegation to Belisarius, with a secret offer to make him Emperor of the West
if he will guarantee their security. Belisarius swears only that no harm will come
to the Goths if they surrender. An oath to rule over the Goths, he will swear
later, before Vitigis himself. The Goth delegation is satisfied. What man would turn down the offer of a crown? The gates of the city are opened, and Belisarius
marches into Ravenna at the head of his troops. He ensures grain arrives in the city quickly. Then he tells the Goth warriors – who outnumber
the Romans - to disperse, back to their homes. There is no plundering of private property,
and no violence. Belisarius has triumphed… but it will soon
emerge, he is not playing straight with the Goths. “While I watched the entry of the Roman
army into Ravenna at that time, it occurred to me that the outcome of events is determined
not by the wisdom of men, nor any other virtue on their part, but that there is some supernatural
power that is ever warping their intentions, and leading them in such a way that nothing
will hinder that which is being brought to pass. For though the Goths were greatly superior
to their enemy in number and power, and had neither lost a great battle nor been humbled
by any other disaster, still they were made captives by the weaker army, and regarded
the name of slavery as no insult.” The days pass. The Goths await an announcement from Belisarius
that he will crown himself Emperor of the West, and rule over them. It never comes. Belisarius has no intention of betraying the
Emperor. He’s allowed the Goths to think that he’ll
accept their offer, only to end the war as swiftly as possible. The Goths begin to feel they’ve been tricked
– betrayed, even... Suspicions which are confirmed when Belisarius
is recalled to Constantinople. He leaves with the Goth treasury and his prisoners,
including Vitigis. Belisarius’s rivals ensure that Justinian
hears all about the Goths’ offer of an imperial throne. But for the moment, the Emperor faces a far
greater concern. One of Vitigis’s last acts as king had been
to send two secret agents to the court of King Khosrow, in far-off Persia… with a
plea for aid against their shared enemy, the Eastern Roman Empire. Khosrow needs no encouragement. He’s been watching, as Justinian strips
his eastern frontier of troops, for his wars in the west. Now Sassanian armies are on the march. His huge army marches along the banks of the
Euphrates River. Sura falls before them. Hierapolis is ransomed for two thousand pounds
of silver. Beroea burns. Then to the horror of all Romans, Khosrow
takes Antioch – second city of the Empire, the Roman capital of the Near East. The city burns. Soldiers flee. Civilians are massacred. The historian Procopius writes: “I become dizzy as I write about such a
great calamity and transmit it to future times to remember. I cannot understand why it should be God’s
will to exalt the fortunes of a man or place, and then to obliterate them for no cause that
is apparent to us.” After years of victories, Justinian’s empire
is rocked by this devastating onslaught. The Emperor can send only his cousin Germanus
and 300 soldiers, with a promise of a great army to follow. But there is no great army. Roman forces are tied down fighting Justinian’s
wars in the west. Instead, he will despatch his greatest general,
Belisarius, and pray for a miracle... Little knowing that the empire is about to
be plunged into an even greater catastrophe, unlike anything the world has ever seen before. Trouble had been brewing on Justinian’s
eastern frontier for years. The Eastern Roman and Sassanid empires – the
two great powers of the Middle East - had signed a Treaty of Eternal Peace just eight
years before. But Khosrow had looked on with growing alarm,
as Roman forces, led by Belisarius, had re-conquered first North Africa… and then Italy. Half in jest, Khosrow asks Justinian for his
share of the tribute – since these victories are only possible because he’s granted the
Romans peace. But the joke is wearing thin. Khosrow receives envoys from the Goths in
Italy, and the Armenians, who beg him for aid. Justinian, they tell him, “has conceived
the desire of seizing the entire earth… he will march against the Persians with those
he has already enslaved, respecting neither the name of friendship nor any of his sworn
promises.” In 540, Khosrow accuses the Eastern Emperor
of paying Huns to raid Persian land… and trying to bribe his Arab allies to switch
sides. Then he attacks. Justinian has stripped the frontier of its
best troops, to reinforce his army in Italy. There is no Roman force that can stand up
to Khosrow’s invasion. Antioch is sacked. Survivors are enslaved and sent to Persia. Khosrow then marches to the coast, and symbolically
bathes in the waters of the Mediterranean. He moves on to Apamea, where he demands a
thousand pounds of silver, but lets the priests keep their piece of the True Cross. He then fixes the local chariot race so that
Justinian’s favourite team – the Blues – lose. Justinian agrees to pay Khosrow 5,000 pounds
of gold, with 500 more to be paid annually, in exchange for a truce. Satisfied, Khosrow sets off for home. However, he does not let the truce prevent
him from extorting several more payments en route. It is the Eastern Roman Empire’s greatest
military humiliation in three centuries. “Everyone was talking about Belisarius. He was credited with two victories such as
had never before fallen to the lot of one man: he had brought two kings captive to Constantinople,
and beyond all expectation, had made Roman spoils of the nations and wealth of Geiseric
and Theoderic.” In the Eastern Roman capital, Belisarius has
been welcomed back from Italy as a hero. He and his entourage draw admiring crowds
wherever they go. But he does not have long to enjoy his success. In early 541, Justinian sends Belisarius east,
to take command of Roman forces in Syria, and ensure there is no repeat of the previous
year’s disaster. Belisarius’s wife Antonina has accompanied
him on previous campaigns to North Africa and Italy, and proved herself a valuable advisor
and deputy. But this time she remains in Constantinople,
to advise her friend and patron, Empress Theodora. Belisarius gathers all available forces at
Dara, site of his great victory 11 years before. He has his own household troops, the elite
bucellarii… Ostrogoths who have joined him in Italy… Rome’s Ghassanid Arab allies, led by Al-Harith… and several thousand limitanei, the Empire’s
frontier troops. Procopius does not tell us the size of these
forces – so we can only make educated guesses, based on circumstantial evidence. Local Roman forces are shaken by the events
of the previous year. Belisarius spends several weeks reorganising
these men, re-equipping them, and rebuilding their shattered morale. When Belisarius learns that Khosrow and the
main Persian army are far away in the north, campaigning in Lazica… he decides to go
on the offensive, and targets the Persian city of Nisibis. This fortified, frontier city is too strong
to assault directly. But Belisarius hopes the garrison can be lured
out and defeated in battle, allowing his troops to rush into the city, mingled with the retreating
enemy. Belisarius camps 5 miles from Nisibis: close
enough to tempt the Persians to attack… but far enough that they can’t easily retreat
back to the city. But one Roman commander, Peter, camps far
too close. Worse, he ignores Belisarius’s warning to
be on high alert at noon, when the Persians are most likely to strike. The Persian commander Nabedes spots this isolated
Roman force, and attacks. Peter immediately sends a rider to Belisarius
calling for aid. But Belisarius and the rest of the army have
already seen what’s happening, and are on their way. Before they can reach Peter, his force is
hit by the Persian cavalry. After a brief fight, his troops scatter. 50
men are killed. A Roman standard is lost. When Belisarius arrives with reinforcements,
he drives off the Persians, who retreat into the city leaving behind more than a hundred
dead. But the loss of a Roman standard, in such
a pointless skirmish, is a bitter blow. Belisarius marches on to the Persian fort
at Sisauranon. His first attack is repelled. He digs in for a siege, while ordering Al-Harith’s
Arabs and 1,200 bucellarii to cross the Tigris River, and raid deep into Assyria. It has been many years since the Romans have
raided this far into Persian territory. There is little resistance, and much plunder. Sisauranon runs out of food, and surrenders
to Belisarius. But the Roman general has run out of time. His troops are exhausted by the extreme summer
heat, and a third are sick. His limitanei wish to return to their homes
- now threatened by the start of the Arab raiding season. While Al-Harith and his men have gone AWOL. It later emerges they’ve ridden straight
home, to avoid sharing their loot with the Romans. Belisarius, having achieved as much as he
can with his limited force, withdraws back into Roman territory. “At the opening of spring, Khosrow, son
of Kavadh, for the third time began an invasion into the land of the Romans with a large army,
keeping the Euphrates river on the right... The Emperor Justinian, upon learning of the
inroad of the Persians, sent Belisarius against them once more.” 542 AD. Belisarius spends the winter in Constantinople. But in early spring, news arrives that Khosrow
is preparing to invade again. Belisarius races back to the eastern front,
using horses of the famous cursus publicus, the Roman postal service, with fresh remounts
at every stage. A journey that normally takes a month, can
be completed in around 8 days. Local commanders warn that Khosrow is approaching
with the biggest army yet. They want to hole up in Hierapolis, and hide
behind its strong walls. Belisarius has a different plan. “If Khosrow were attacking any other people
but Romans, this plan of yours would be safe and sensible. But as immediately after leaving here, this
barbarian plans to fall upon some other territory of the Emperor, be assured that to die bravely
would be better in every way than to be saved without a fight. For this would justly be called not salvation
but treason. So come as quickly as possible to Europos,
where, after collecting the whole army, I hope to deal with the enemy as God permits.” Khosrow is counting on another lucrative plundering
expedition. This time he plans to raid Palestine, and
pillage Jerusalem. But when he hears Belisarius himself has arrived,
and is gathering a Roman army at Europos, he hesitates. He sends an envoy, Abandanes, to meet Belisarius
on the pretext of re-opening negotiations, but really to gauge his strength. For almost the first time in 10 years, Procopius
is not at Belisarius’s side. He has remained in Constantinople. In fact, his days of campaigning with the
great Roman general are over. Nonetheless, he provides a detailed description
of what follows. Belisarius meets Khosrow’s envoy far from
the Roman camp, surrounded by an imposing number of his most fearsome warriors, including
Thracians, Illyrians, Goths and Vandals. They have been hand-picked to make an impression. All are tall, strongly-built men, armed to
the teeth, and seem completely unconcerned by the arrival of a Persian envoy. Belisarius himself speaks in a carefree manner: “This course that Khosrow has chosen is
not how men usually behave. If other men have a dispute with their neighbour,
they first try to negotiate with him, and only go to war if they do not receive satisfaction. But he first comes into the midst of the Romans,
and then makes suggestions about peace.” With that, Belisarius dismisses the envoy. The envoy returns to Khosrow, and urges the
king to avoid battle at all costs. The enemy are not like any men he’s seen
before: they are formidable and disciplined. Their commander is wise and imposing. The king should withdraw as soon as possible. Khosrow takes his advice. The Persian army crosses the Euphrates, and
marches home. Belisarius appears to have bluffed a stronger
enemy into retreat, and saved huge swathes of the empire from plunder and pillage. According to Procopius, “The Romans praised
Belisarius. He seemed to have achieved greater glory in
their eyes by this feat than when he brought Gelimer or Witigis captive to Constantinople. In truth, it was an achievement of great importance
and deserving great praise, at a time when all the Romans were hiding in terror behind
their defences.” Belisarius and his bucellarii, putting on
a show that is so intimidating and deceptive, that the Persian king abandons his campaign… It’s a famous and memorable scene. But did it ever happen? Many historians believe that something even
more terrifying caused Khosrow’s rapid withdrawal… he’d discovered the Empire was riddled with
plague. “During these times there was a pestilence,
which came close to wiping out the whole of mankind. Now in the case of all other scourges sent
from Heaven some explanation or cause might be given by daring men… But for this calamity it is quite impossible
either to express in words or to conceive in thought any explanation, except indeed
to refer it to God.” The 6th century world is full of strange and
mysterious phenomena. Sometimes even a highly-educated man like
Procopius can only record his observations, and trust in God. Of the year 536, he wrote, “It came about
during this year that a most dread portent took place. The whole year, the sun gave forth its light
without brightness, like the moon, and it seemed much like an eclipse, for its beams
were not clear nor like those it usually makes. From the time when this thing happened men
were free neither from war nor pestilence nor any other thing that brings death.” Experts now believe Procopius was observing
the atmospheric aftermath of a massive volcanic eruption. In fact, a cluster of volcanic activity around
this date would help to trigger what’s become known as the ‘Late Antique Little Ice Age’. Its impact is impossible to measure, but it
may have contributed to food shortages, and worsened the famine that Procopius witnessed
in Italy. Such shortages made the population weaker,
and more vulnerable to what came next. “It originated among the Egyptians who live
in Pelusium. From there it branched out in two directions,
the first moving to Alexandria and then the rest of Egypt, the second coming to the Palestinians
who live by the border of Egypt.” Plague is first recorded in the Nile Delta
in 541. It spreads across Egypt, and into coastal
Palestine. In spring 542, it reaches the imperial capital,
Constantinople. It spreads rapidly across the Empire. In 543, plague reaches Persian-ruled Armenia,
and the Kingdom of the Franks. Recently, plague victims have even been identified
in Anglo-Saxon England. Procopius is in Constantinople when the plague
strikes with full, terrifying force. “They fell ill in the following way. Suddenly they became feverish, some of them
when they rose from sleep, others while they walked about, or doing any small thing. The body did not change colour or become warm
like a regular fever, nor did it burn up; rather, at first the fever was so mild that
it gave no cause for alarm, either to victims or the doctors who treated them. But then on the same day, or the next, a bubonic
swelling appeared. This happened around the groin, also inside
the armpit, sometimes by the ears, or the thigh.” Some victims, Procopius writes, fall into
a coma-like state, unable to feed or care for themselves. Others are seized by madness, shouting wildly
and running into the streets. “Some died immediately, others after many
days. In some cases, the body blossomed with dark
pustules about the size of a lentil. These people did not survive a single day. They all died immediately. Many others suddenly began to vomit blood
and perished immediately. I must also state, that the most eminent doctors
predicted that many would die who shortly afterwards were unexpectedly free of all sickness. They also claimed that many would survive
who were destined to perish almost immediately. Thus there was no cause behind this disease
that any human reason could grasp, for in all cases the outcome made little sense.” DNA analysis of human remains from this, and
later pandemics, has identified the cause of this terrifying disease – a deadly bacterium
called Yersinia pestis. Procopius is at the centre of the world’s
first bubonic plague pandemic… The second, eight centuries later, is known
as the Black Death. The peak of the pandemic lasts 3 months. On the very worst days, the death toll in
Constantinople alone may be as high as 10,000. Between a third and half the city’s population
perish. Entire households are wiped out. The city’s graveyards overflow, and corpses
are crammed into city watchtowers. “It was not easy in those times to see anyone
out and about, for all were holed up in their homes… If you happened to chance upon someone going
out, he was carrying one of the dead. All work came to a standstill…” The plague hits the Empire’s great cities
hardest, but the pestilence also reaches deep into the countryside. Then Emperor Justinian himself falls sick. News soon reaches the army in Syria. There are even rumours that the Emperor is
already dead. Belisarius and his generals discuss the situation,
but we have no reliable information on what is said, or by whom. Justinian has no children. The succession will be an uncertain and dangerous
time; their own role may be decisive. They may even discuss who among them is best-placed
to succeed the Emperor. Unexpectedly, Justinian makes a full recovery. But Empress Theodora has learned of the generals’
meeting in Syria: her informers tell her that Belisarius and another general, Bouzes, had
said they would not support any new emperor proclaimed in Constantinople. Theodora regards these words as treason – a
clear sign they will turn against her if her husband should die. Belisarius and Bouzes are summoned to Constantinople
for questioning. Theodora cannot prove their treason, but both
men experience a sudden, dramatic fall from favour. Procopius claims that Bouzes spends more than
two years in a secret prison. Belisarius, the Emperor’s most successful
general, escapes imprisonment, but his disgrace is total. He is dismissed from command, and loses much
of his fortune. His famed bucellarii are split up and distributed
amongst other commanders. Belisarius lives in Constantinople as a private
citizen for more than a year… While abroad, Justinian’s empire slides
towards crisis. The plague has killed a multitude of Roman
citizens and soldiers, and severely disrupted government, trade and taxation. In Armenia, a Roman offensive ends in humiliating
defeat. In North Africa, Berber rebels defeat the
Romans and kill Solomon, the governor. While in Italy, the Ostrogoths have rallied
under a new king, Totila.. retaken most of Belisarius’s gains, and
again threaten Rome itself. Justinian is desperate for a general who can
take command in Italy, and turn the tide of war. 544 AD. Belisarius is recalled from disgrace, and
given back his old command in Italy. But the emperor has no troops to spare. And Belisarius’s bucellarii are still in
the east. This time, he will have only 4,000 recruits,
that he must hire and equip himself, to reinforce the demoralised army in Italy. And in Totila, he faces a far more dangerous
adversary than before. He is poorly resourced, and has been ungratefully
treated by his Emperor. But Belisarius loyally marches to war again,
in what will prove his final campaign. Eastern Roman general Flavius Belisarius and
4,000 troops have arrived at Salona, poised to cross the Adriatic to Italy. Four years have passed since Belisarius’s
great victory over the Ostrogoths. But in his absence, the Eastern Roman position
in Italy has collapsed. After several coups and assassinations, the
Goths have chosen a new king to lead them. A brilliant warrior, who is also wise and
active. His name is Totila. While Emperor Justinian had been distracted
by the war in the east, and ravages of plague, Totila had attacked. He swept to victory against a demoralised
Roman army, that had been left without pay or supplies, and led by corrupt, squabbling
generals. Many Romans chose to switch sides rather than
fight. Much of what Belisarius had achieved in four
years of campaigning is undone. Only Rome, and a few other cities and ports,
are still in Roman hands. Belisarius, veteran of great Roman victories
against Persians, Vandals and Ostrogoths, will face his toughest campaign yet... A struggle once more for Italy - against the
odds, and against a formidable enemy. Belisarius seems to face an impossible task. With just 4,000 inexperienced troops, he cannot
risk facing the Goth king Totila in battle. For the time being, he must remain on the
defensive. He has an early success when he is able to
relieve and resupply the garrison of Dryus, which had been on the point of surrender. Then he moves his force up by sea to Ravenna. But Belisarius finds that every move he makes
in Italy – to reinforce a garrison, or extend Roman control - is hamstrung, by a lack of
troops, supplies and money. He sends his old rival, John, nephew of Vitalian,
back to Constantinople with an urgent appeal to the Emperor: “We have arrived in Italy, most mighty emperor,
without men, horses, arms, or money, and no man, I think, can carry on a war without a
plentiful supply of these things.” Belisarius ask, above all, that his household
troops, his famed bucellarii, be released from service in the east and sent to join
him in Italy. Belisarius withdraws to Dyrrachium, to await
the Emperor’s reply. Totila, meanwhile, tightens his grip on central
Italy.. and in late 545, he advances on Rome. The Eternal City is held by just 3,000 Roman
troops, commanded by Bessas. For months, the Goths have been intercepting
supplies sent to the city. Civilians are already starving, the garrison
will be next. The city cannot hold out for long. A few months later, John rejoins Belisarius
at Dyrrachium with some reinforcements. But not for the first time, the two generals
disagree about their next move. John wants to cross to southern Italy, and
march overland to Rome – a journey that could take 40 days. Belisarius thinks they’ll be too late to
save the city. He wants to get troops and supplies there
as fast as possible, which means sailing directly to Portus – a five-day voyage in favourable
winds. John can land in southern Italy, clear the
region of Goths, and meet Belisarius near Rome. Belisarius’s plan risks dividing his small
force. But it may – at a stroke – secure Rome
and southern Italy for the Emperor. However, his last campaign is to be plagued
by misfortune. “When Belisarius arrived in Italy, things
went wrong with him daily, for he had clearly incurred the enmity of heaven.” Belisarius sails for Portus, accompanied by
his troops and his wife Antonina. But they are hit by a storm, and have to put
in at Dryus. They are spotted by Goths besieging the port,
who send word to Totila. By the time Belisarius reaches Portus a few
days later, the Goths are on high alert, ready for any attempt to relieve Rome. Totila knows Belisarius will try to move supplies
from Portus to Rome along the Tiber River. So 10 miles downriver from the city, he builds
a fortified wooden bridge with towers on each bank, filled with Goth warriors. It’s a formidable obstacle, that Belisarius
will have to break through to save Rome. Meanwhile, John lands with his troops in the
south. He quickly routs local Goth forces, and secures
the region. But despite appeals from Belisarius, John
refuses to march to their rendezvous at Rome. He cites the presence of 300 Goths at Capua,
who shadow his movements, and convince him that he’d be marching into a trap. Belisarius can wait no longer. He leaves Isaac in command at Portus, with
strict orders not to leave their only secure base for any reason. He also sends word to Bessas in Rome, ordering
him to make a diversionary attack on the Goth camp. Then his convoy of 200 reinforced galleys
begins to row up the Tiber, packed with troops and supplies. An infantry force supports them on the right
bank. After clearing an iron chain that lay across
the river, they reach Totila’s fortified bridge. Thanks to skilled reconnaissance, Belisarius
not only knows its location, but its exact dimensions. He has built a taller tower, which floats
on two barges. The Romans push it up to a Goth tower… and
drop a burning boat, packed with pitch and tar, on top of it. The tower, with scores of Goth warriors still
inside, is incinerated. Goths now race from their camp to join the
battle, and throw back Belisarius’s river assault. Heavy fighting breaks out around the wreckage
of the bridge. But there is no sign of the diversionary raid
by the garrison of Rome. Bessas, it will emerge, has decided not to
risk his own men. Belisarius’s troops gain the upper hand,
and start to dismantle the bridge. But then a messenger arrives with news that
the Goths have captured Isaac, left in command at Portus. Belisarius, for once, seems to lose his usual
cool head. He assumes Portus has been captured, along
with his wife, and the army’s only refuge. Without waiting for more information, he turns
his entire force around, to launch an immediate attack to retake Portus. But when Belisarius gets there, he discovers
that Portus is quite safe. Despite his orders to stay put, Isaac had
been captured leading a reckless attack on the Goths, in pursuit of glory. Now crucial moments have been lost. The Goths are reinforcing their position. To renew the attack would be futile. Belisarius’s attempt to save Rome has failed. He is overcome with despair. Then he falls sick with fever, and comes close
to death. Ten years after Rome fell to Belisarius, the
city falls to Totila, its gates opened by starving Roman troops. Procopius records that just 26 soldiers and
60 civilians are slain, before Totila orders his men to stop the killing. Within Rome, the Goths find just a few hundred
civilians, hungry and destitute, sheltering amid the
monuments and temples of what had been the world’s greatest city. Rome.. is a ghost town. Totila decides to raze it to the ground, and
begins demolishing the city walls. When Belisarius hears of this, he writes to
the Goth king. “Among all cities under the sun Rome is
agreed to be the greatest and most noteworthy… any insult to these monuments would rightly
be considered a great crime against the whole of humanity. For by such an action the men of former generations
are robbed of the memorials of their virtue, and future generations of the sight of their
works.” Belisarius adds that if the Romans win this
war, they’ll show no mercy to the man who levelled Rome. Totila changes his mind. Having destroyed Rome’s gates and much of
its walls, he marches south, taking the last of its inhabitants with him. John retreats behind the walls of Dryus, and
southern Italy is soon back under Goth control. Rome, the Eternal City, is abandoned. We are told it is forsaken by all living things
– but doubtless there are those desperate enough to roam the empty forums and deserted
streets. In the spring of 547 Belisarius, recovered
from his illness, makes a personal reconnaissance of Rome to inspect its defences. Word of his movements reaches the Goths, and
Belisarius and his escort have to fight their way out of a dangerous ambush. But the Roman general has seen enough. He has decided to reoccupy Rome There is no Goth garrison to oppose Belisarius. But strategically it seems madness – how
can he expect to hold the empty city? For 25 days, he and his men work furiously
to lay in supplies, and shore up the city’s defences before the Goths return. Their presence encourages some Romans to begin
moving back into the city. By the time Totila and his army arrive, the
Romans have rebuilt much of the walls with loose stone. But they haven’t had time to make new gates. The Goths attack, confident of victory. The Romans have a nasty surprise for them
– caltrops, spread over the approach routes to maim Goth men and horses. For two whole days, there is savage fighting
at the open gateways. But Belisarius’s men stubbornly hold their
positions. A few days later, the Goths prepare to launch
another attack. This time the Romans are so confident they
come out of the city, and fight the enemy in the open. Totila’s own standard-bearer is cut down. The Goths are routed. Totila, harangued by his own men for neither
destroying Rome when he had the chance, nor garrisoning it, withdraws to Tivoli. At last, Roman fortunes seem to be on the
rise. There’s more good news, when Emperor Justinian
decides to send Belisarius more reinforcements – around 2,500 men. Belisarius is ordered to link up with them
at Tarentum, before re-establishing control of southern Italy. He sails from Portus with 900 picked men. But once more, ill winds force him off course,
and he has to land at Crotone – a hostile shore. Despite their experience, his cavalry fail
to set sentries while out foraging for supplies… and a large force of Goth cavalry takes them
by surprise. The Romans are outnumbered four to one. Many of Belisarius’s best men fall in the
fighting. The rest of his force hurriedly re-embarks,
and sails for Sicily. It’s a humiliating withdrawal for Belisarius,
a general who’s conquered nearly all before him - now chased out of Italy by a small band
of barbarians. Belisarius’s wife Antonina has been by his
side throughout the campaign. Now she returns to Constantinople. As a close friend and confidante of Empress
Theodora, she hopes that in person, she can persuade her to send Belisarius the troops
and supplies he so desperately needs. The mission will prove futile. When Antonina arrives in the capital, she
learns that Empress Theodora has fallen sick… and died. “At this point in the war, the barbarians
became unquestionably masters of the whole West. Though the Romans had been at first decisively
victorious in the Gothic War, as I have previously recounted, the result for them was that they
had not only spent money and lives in huge amounts and to no advantage, but they had
also lost Italy…” Belisarius’s second Italian campaign ends
in frustration, and failure. In January 549, he is recalled to Constantinople,
allegedly at the request of his wife Antonina. Soon after he leaves, the Goths finally take
Perugia. The next year, they take Rome. Goth fleets begin to raid Sicily and Dalmatia. But Justinian continues to ignore Totila’s
offers of a generous peace. Because he has, at last, assembled an army
big enough to take the war to the Goths. He awards command not to Belisarius… but
to his old rival, Narses the Eunuch, chamberlain of the palace. Narses leads the army into Italy in 552. He decides to act fast, and force a decisive
battle against Totila at the first opportunity. He gets his wish at Busta Gallorum. Totila risks everything on a massed cavalry
charge against the Roman centre. He is met with a storm of arrows. It is a debacle. Totila himself is among scores of Goth lords
who perish. Goth military power in Italy is broken. Within two years, Narses will win more brilliant
victories against the Goths and Franks, and bring the war in Italy to a victorious end. Belisarius’s feelings, at news of Narses’
triumphs, can only be guessed at. Joy and gratitude for a Roman victory. But bitterness, perhaps, that he’d had to
fight the war for so long, with so little support. After 25 years commanding Roman troops, Belisarius’s
military career seems at an end. He lives as a rich and famous patrician in
Constantinople, and serves as trusted advisor to Justinian. Little more is heard of the great general
for several years… until 559. “And now, after a great lapse of time, as
he once more put on his breastplate and helmet and donned the familiar uniform of his younger
days, the memory of past exploits came flooding into the old man's mind and filled him with
youthful ardour.” Kutrigurs – Turkic warrior nomads, perhaps
descended from the Huns of Attila – have menaced the Eastern Roman Empire for decades. Justinian uses a combination of bribes, fortifications
and shrewd diplomacy to keep them at bay. The system does not always work. In 559, their chief Zabergan leads the Kutrigurs
south across the frozen Danube. They split into three groups. Zabergan himself leads 7,000 men towards Constantinople. They bypass the outer fortifications, the
Long Walls, which are crumbling and undefended. There are hardly any troops in Constantinople,
and as the Kutrigurs draw near, panic spreads. Justinian knows there is one man in the city
he can rely on. He summons Belisarius, and orders him to take
charge of the city’s defence. The great general, now almost sixty, gathers
300 veterans and a crowd of citizen volunteers, and marches out to face the enemy. He sets an ambush for the advance party of
2,000 Kutrigurs. When they’ve entered the trap, his veterans
attack from both flanks, hurling javelins. Then Belisarius leads forward his main force
in a head-on charge. His men scream and roar to terrify the enemy. Horses drag branches to stir up dust and hide
their numbers. The Kutrigurs are hemmed in, attacked from
all sides, unsure of the enemy’s strength. They panic and flee. In the words of the historian Agathias: “The Romans followed them in an orderly
and disciplined pursuit, making short work of all they could lay their hands on. The barbarians were slaughtered in great numbers
as they galloped away, without even turning round to look back.” Belisarius has won yet another famous victory. Yet three years later, after a failed assassination
plot against the Emperor, he finds himself in disgrace once more. Under interrogation, the conspirators name
members of his household, who in turn implicate Belisarius himself. It’s flimsy evidence. But Belisarius is persona non grata for seven
months, before Justinian restores his honours. This incident spawns a medieval legend – that
as punishment, Justinian had had Belisarius blinded, and he became a beggar at the gates
of Constantinople. The story was a favourite of 18th century
neo-classicists, with its dramatic themes of tyranny, injustice and charity. But there is no contemporary evidence to support
it. Three years later, a single line in the chronicle
of Theophanes records the death of one of Rome’s greatest generals. “In March of this year, in the 13th indiction,
Belisarius the patrician died in Constantinople, and his property accrued to the imperial house
of Marina.” Nothing more is said. The year is 565. Belisarius would have been in his mid-sixties. The fate of his wife Antonina is not known. As for Procopius… His great work, History of the Wars of Justinian,
is published in the 550s, within the lifetime of Justinian and Belisarius. It is an astonishing achievement, from an
author who witnessed many of its major events, and knew many of the great figures involved. It comes to be regarded as one of the greatest,
and longest, histories to reach us from the ancient world. But Procopius also writes another account
of these times, unpublished in his lifetime, known as the Secret History. In its introduction, he writes: “I have been forced to conceal the real
causes of many of the events recounted in my former books. It will now be my duty, in this part of my
history, to tell what has hitherto remained untold…” What follows is a scandalous assault on the
reputations of Theodora and Justinian, Antonina and Belisarius. Procopius describes the imperial couple as
vicious, scheming, and above all greedy for money. He asserts that Theodora had been a notorious
prostitute in her youth... and that Justinian is possessed by demons. Antonina, he claims, is a serial adulterer,
who holds the pathetically devoted Belisarius under her spell. Many of their actions, even major strategic
decisions, are attributed to self-obsession, lust and manipulation. The Secret History remains little known for
a thousand years, until a manuscript copy is found in the Vatican library, and published. Historians have debated its contents ever
since. A common view is that this work stems from
Procopius’s later disillusionment with Justinian’s rule: the wars, taxes, and crucially, the
influence of Theodora and Antonina. For it is a ferociously misogynistic attack,
in which women are insatiable, scheming, deceptive and vengeful. But it is also clear that much of the Secret
History is deliberate hyperbole and parody, not to be taken literally, or perhaps even
seriously. Emperor Justinian died eight months after
Belisarius, in 565. In such an age, to reign 38 years and die
in bed, aged 83, was itself an astonishing achievement. His funeral, an event of stunning magnificence,
saw him laid to rest in a golden tomb within the Church of the Holy Apostles, in Constantinople. He left a Roman Empire that stretched from
the Caucasus to the coast of Spain, from the Alps to the Atlas Mountains. These conquests came at a vast cost in lives,
treasure and human suffering. Nor could they be sustained. Three years after Justinian’s death, the
Lombards fell upon Italy, conquering most of the peninsula. In the seventh century, Avars and Persians
advanced to the walls of Constantinople… before the tidal wave of Muslim Arab conquest
swept away much of the Empire. It has been argued that Justinian’s costly
wars left the Eastern Roman Empire exhausted, unable to resist these new threats. But recent assessments place more emphasis
on the blunders of his successors. Justinian had been immensely fortunate to
be served by one of the great generals of Roman history, even though he did not always
repay his loyalty. In all his commands, Belisarius distinguished
himself as loyal, intelligent, humane and decisive. He was a skilled tactician who defied the
odds at Dara. He waged a hearts and mind campaign to retake
North Africa almost without loss… He liberated Rome, and held it in two desperate
sieges. He has been called the Last Roman. The Empire would see few generals of his stature
again. Big thanks to Legendarian for providing our
‘Total War: Attila’ gameplay footage. Check out his own YouTube channel for more
videos on the military history of late antiquity. Thank you also to Professor David Parnell
of Indiana University Northwest, our series consultant. You can follow David on Twitter @ByzantineProf,
or via the link in our video description. And thank you, of course, to all the Epic
History TV Patreon supporters, who make this channel possible.
