The man known to history as King Henry VI was born on the 6th of December 1421,
during the time of the hundred years war. His mother, Catherine of Valois, was born
in Paris on the 27th of October 1401 to King Charles VI of France and Isabeau of Bavaria,
she was their youngest daughter and sister of Charles VII. She would marry Henry VI’s
father, King Henry V, at eighteen years old, on the 2nd of June 1420, but little of her
early years are known as a younger princess. Henry V was crowned King on the 9th of
April 1413, but at the time of his birth on the 16th of September 1386, he was not in the
direct line of succession. In 1399 his father, Henry Bolingbroke, cousin of king Richard
II, seized the throne, becoming Henry IV, the first Lancastrian king. As a result, Henry
V came to be in the line of succession and was given the title Prince of Wales. His military
career began at an early age and would continue throughout his life, culminating in the invasion
of France in 1415 and the battle of Agincourt, which broke the truce negotiated by Richard
II to press his claim to the French throne through his descent from Edward III,
and re-ignited the hundred years war. This French campaign would conclude in 1420
with the Treaty of Troyes, in which King Charles VI acknowledged Henry as heir to the French
throne. Henry’s war in France would continue, now allied with the Burgundians against the
Armagnacs. He returned to England early in 1421 where he progressed around the country
and would be joined in March by Catherine following her coronation. After receiving news
of his brother Thomas’ death in March at Baugé, Henry returned to France in June 1421. Several
battles followed, including that which was to be his last at the siege of Meaux, he would die from
dysentery three months following the conclusion of the siege at the castle of Vincennes on the
31st of August 1422, having never met his son. As the only son of Henry V, the nine-month-old
Henry became king Henry VI upon his father’s death. However, as an infant, clearly there was
no way that Henry could rule. Close to death, Henry V had made provisions in his will for the
protection and upbringing of his son. Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Henry’s youngest brother,
who had earlier in 1422 been designated as keeper of the realm, was accorded with the
protection and defence of the young prince. But governorship of the boy was to go to the Duke
of Exeter, Thomas Beaufort. While the regency of France would pass to John, duke of Bedford,
Henry’s eldest younger brother, until such time as the young Henry was old enough to rule.
However, there would be bad feeling over some of the provisions in the will, namely that
Humphrey was not seen as a good choice for regent of England. Instead, despite his arguments
for himself which continued throughout his life, he was appointed by parliament to defend the
realm and hold the position of chief councillor to the king but without the powers of a regent.
As the youngest of the two surviving brothers these powers would be given up to John whenever
he was present in England. A council would be formed until such time as the king came into
his majority, among those who would sit on this council was Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester.
Shortly after the death of his father, Charles VI of France died and by virtue of
the Treaty of Troyes, Henry now succeeded to the throne of France at still less than a year
old. However, this was not accepted throughout the whole of France, as Dauphin Charles’ claim
to the throne was acknowledged by the Armagnacs who still held sway in central and southern
France. The Dauphin, although disinherited by the Treaty of Troyes was proclaimed
Charles VII on the 30th of October 1422. As was usual Catherine, although involved in her
son’s upbringing and choice of servants was not his principle carer. He was placed under
the control of Elizabeth Ryman and cared for by a small team of nurses before being
given over to the care of a new governess, Lady Alice Butler. She was to begin his teaching
in courtesy, discipline and other appropriate matters and was given provision to provide
“reasonable chastisement” without reprisals to the young king when necessary. Henry would make his
first appearance in public life shortly before his second birthday at the opening of parliament. This
long held tradition of the monarch being present for the opening of parliament is still upheld
today, although in a somewhat modernised form. In June 1428 Richard Beauchamp, the earl of
Warwick was appointed as Henry’s guardian to continue his education in matters of kingship,
piety, and martial arts. Records remain of two “little coat armours” made for him at seven years
old and that he was given a long bladed sword “for to learn the king to play in his tender age”. But
such was the efficacy of his education by Lady Alice already at this time that in March 1428
his ruling council estimated that he would be able to take a more active hand in governance
in just a few years. However, this statement also alludes to the friction within the council
caused by Gloucester’s continual seeking of power and offered a form of resistance to him.
During this first decade of Henry’s life, the war in France against the Armagnacs continued
under his uncle John, duke of Bedford. In August 1424 Bedford and his English and Norman forces
assembled on the Verneuil plain in Normandy, heavily outnumbered by the combined force of
the French and Scots, who were allied to the Armagnacs at this time. The initial assault by the
Lombard cavalry broke through the English lines but after a hard fought battle Bedford’s forces
prevailed, marking the high point of the English campaign. It is estimated that almost half of the
assembled French force died on the field that day. The battles continued to push back the Armagnacs
and in late 1428 the siege of Orléans began, however their earlier success would not be
repeated. Thomas Montacute, earl of Salisbury, who’d been present by Bedford’s side in France
for many years, was killed early on during the siege and despite being replaced by a competent
commander the English couldn’t storm the heavily fortified city. The appearance of Joan of Arc
first in the court of Charles VII in February 1429 and then at Orléans in April would signal their
upcoming defeat. Joan and her retinue entered the town easily despite the English blockade and after
only four days of fighting the English lifted the siege and retreated on the 8th of May. Further
battles would follow where Joan was present, with many English supporting towns capitulating in
the face of her advancing force, including Reims in July. Reims had long been considered a holy
site as it was in the cathedral of this city where the kings were consecrated with the holy oil. And
so, with its capitulation, Charles entered Reims on the 16th of July, his coronation and anointing
took place the next day, on the 17th of July 1429. Henry’s councillors realised that a strong
response was necessary following the coronation of Charles and the defeats at the hands of Joan
of Arc. It was decided that Henry, despite his age should be crowned and so preparations began.
His coronation would take place on the 6th of November 1429 at Westminster. But this on its
own would not be enough and so on the 23rd of April 1430 Henry set out for France alongside
the earl of Warwick, accompanied by a retinue of over three hundred and an army at his back.
Henry stayed first in Calais until the route to Rouen had been secured before setting out and
arrived in the city at the end of July. It is noted that upon his arrival in Rouen he was
greeted by a cheering crowd and the noise was such that Henry asked that it be stopped, perhaps
giving an indication of a sensitive nature. He was to remain there until such time as it was safe
to make the journey to Paris and to this end would be in Rouen for over a year. Early into
his stay in France, Joan of Arc was captured in May 1430 by the Burgundians at the siege of
Compiègne. She would later be sold to the English, tried for heresy, and burnt at the stake in Rouen
in May 1431. Although Henry was in Rouen at the same time as the trial took place it is unclear
whether he was present for any of the proceedings. It was at some point around this time that
Catherine married her second husband, the Welsh Owen Tudor, in secret. Their first child Edmund
would be born shortly after they were married. They would have two more sons, Jasper and Owen,
and a daughter of whom little is known. Owen, as a Welshman was granted letters of
denizenship by parliament in 1432, but the marriage was kept out of the public sphere.
Henry finally arrived in Paris in December of 1431, his coronation took place on the 16th of
December, but by all accounts it was a hurried affair. The ceremony was performed by the now
Cardinal Beaufort rather than a French bishop and the feast that followed the ceremony was said
to be disappointing. However, it is likely that the coronation was somewhat overshadowed, as just
three days before, Phillip, duke of Burgundy had concluded a truce with Charles VII that would last
for the next six years. Henry left France on the 29th of January 1432 and would never return.
During the years 1432 – 1436 the king was still in his minority. However, Henry
was clearly starting to realise his position and in 1432 Warwick requested more
power within his guardianship of the boy to protect himself from defiance on the part of
Henry and any possible punishment amounting from his chastisements. At the same time, he
also requested that those men of questionable virtues be kept apart from Henry, to keep from
influencing the impressionable young king. There was still friction among the council at
this time, much of it involving Gloucester and cardinal Beaufort, which was moderated in some
part by Bedford. Their differences had been clear throughout their time serving together but now it
was their views on the continuing war in France that would come to the fore. Gloucester’s
views differed greatly from Beaufort’s, there had been talk of making peace with the
Armagnacs off and on for some years but it wasn’t until late 1435 that serious efforts to
this end were made with the congress of Arras in August and September 1435. The congress, led by
Beaufort, would not bring about peace and just a week after it ended Bedford died on the 14th of
September. Another week after that on the 21st of September a treaty between the Burgundians and
French was sealed declaring the Burgundians’ defection from the side of the English. The
capture of Paris followed in April 1436. Henry attended his first council meeting in
October 1435, in response to the failure of Arras and began taking an active role in government,
although still guided by his councillors. But the roles played by Beaufort and Gloucester in
trying to secure their influence over Henry, more so since Bedford’s death, would serve
to mould the king into someone who depended on others to tell him what to do rather than
allowing him to become a man confident in his own decisions. Another prominent influence in
his life, Warwick, his guardian of almost eight years resigned the position in May 1436, with
no replacement. By the end of July 1436 Henry signed his first warrant, a grant to Beaufort
just days after Gloucester left for Calais. Henry continued through 1436 and 1437 to
issue warrants, still alongside his council, rewarding and patronizing many of those that had
been among his household through the years with new roles within government and prominent
positions in the kingdom. This included, William de la Pole, the earl of Suffolk, who had
been steward of the household since 1433. Suffolk was appointed as chief steward of the duchy of
Lancaster, and like Beaufort and Gloucester, would become a major influence in Henry’s
reign. In 1437 the council tentatively began to consult the king on matters of appointment
where it was said he deferred to their advice. In mid-1437 Henry asserted his piety in
siding with Pope Eugenius IV against the Council of Basle. He also shared Beaufort’s
views that making peace in France would be preferable to continuing the conflict, giving
Beaufort the opportunity to further exert his influence over the king. On the 12th of
November 1437 a great council was convened and Henry announced his intention to step fully
into his role as king, whilst keeping his council. But 1437 not only marked Henry’s step into
ruling. His mother Catherine had fallen ill in 1436 and moved to Bermondsey Abbey
later that year where she was tended to, but she would die on the 3rd of January. Her two
eldest sons and half-brothers to Henry, would be placed in the care of Suffolk’s sister, Katherine
de la Pole, Abbess of Barking Abbey, possibly at the suggestion of Suffolk to the king, whilst
Owen Tudor would be imprisoned for two years. During Henry’s minority the kingdom’s finances
were already under strain from the continuing war in France, and frequently expenditure outstripped
the income. On top of this the crown inherited debt not only from Henry V but also from Henry
IV which the council were slow to rectify. On many occasions the crown found itself in need of
aid and so they borrowed extensively. Cardinal Beaufort was one of their principle lenders, a
vastly wealthy man he had already been lending to the crown under Henry V. Now, stepping
into his reign, Henry’s generosity to his expanding household in granting many patronages
would further undermine attempts to balance the books. Early signs of the poor attention he gave
to matters of rule, and perhaps something of a lack of understanding of resources, can be seen
when he willingly signed a number of petitions which directly impoverished the crown and weakened
the local governing of parts of the realm. These grants continued throughout his reign, and coupled
with military expenditure and a worsening economy, would continue to adversely affect the finances
of the realm. Despite attempts by the council to curb Henry’s generosity, the worsening financial
situation would contribute, in time, to rebellion. Although very willing to hand out grants of
office Henry lacked knowledge on the finer diplomatic points of his actions and realm. In
1441, among the many grants he handed out was the stewardship of the Duchy of Cornwall to the
earl of Devon who’d made a petition to the king. Lord Bonville had been appointed royal steward in
Cornwall for life in 1437, of which the duchy of Cornwall fell within the bounds. The two men were
already feuding at the time. Shortly after this appointment Henry was forced to write to Devon and
ask that he not take up the office until further discussions had taken place in the council, a
request which Devon refused. Following violence between the parties, later in the year both men
would give up the stewardships and although the exact outcome of an arbitration in the following
year is unknown, Devon still regarded himself as the rightful steward. This situation was
not uncommon and it has been suggested that in some cases Henry was uncertain whether the
grants he made could be implemented as many of them carried a caveat that they should only take
effect if “an identical patent had not already been issued”. In a number of cases, duplicated
grants that were contested by the newer party, or those that were over-generous would have to be
formally cancelled by members of the government. Throughout the 1440’s Henry also frequently
interfered with justice. The court process during this period was complicated and it was a difficult
and long process for many to attain justice. Many cases would be referred to the king’s council
where the lower courts could not or would not make a judgement. Throughout this period, Henry
issued many pardons for wide-ranging crimes including attempted rape and murder further
undermining the struggling justice system. The immediate years following his minority were
spent in the pursuit of peace with France despite ongoing military campaigns of which Henry showed
little in the way of decisive leadership. Indeed, it was noted that his interference in matters
concerning France often proved a hinderance. Abortive attempts were made in 1438, before
the congress of Oye began in the summer of 1439 but would conclude only with a truce with
the Burgundians. However, there was still the possibility of further discussions as the
talks had not been formally terminated. And so, in 1440 Henry revisited the option of releasing
the Duke of Orléans, who had been a prisoner in England since the battle of Agincourt. Gloucester
was staunchly against this idea. But with his militaristic attitude his influence was waning and
it was the arguments of Beaufort and archbishop Kemp alongside advice from Suffolk that swayed
the king. It has been said that ultimately Henry’s decision to free Orléans lacked substance and was
driven by his deep convictions for want of peace, given his lack of interest in military matters.
Nevertheless, the first part of Orléans’ ransom was raised by the French and he was released later
that year at the beginning of November, but would quickly fail in his mission to broker a peace.
It appears that Henry’s mind was in part elsewhere during the negotiations when in September
of 1440 and February of 1441 he founded Eton College and King’s College, Cambridge, and
involved himself in the supervision of their building. Eton was dedicated to the Virgin Mary
and these acts of founding acted as much in the king’s interest of education as it did his
piety. Such was his interest in education, more than that of any other king, that there
are records of Henry donating many of his own books to All Souls College in Oxford and King’s
Hall Cambridge. In this promotion of education, he felt akin to Alfred the Great, and such was his
admiration for Alfred that he dedicated much time and effort in 1442 to having him canonized,
although his efforts would ultimately fail. It was in 1441 that Gloucester’s influence over
the king would finally come to an end when his second wife, Eleanor Cobham, with ambitions to
be queen sought the advice of astrologers and necromancers who predicted that Henry would
succumb to sickness in the summer of 1441. Rumours of this soon circulated and in July
she was arrested. She was forcibly divorced from Gloucester and imprisoned for the rest of her
life, Gloucester’s reputation would never recover. In 1443, after the failure of peace talks and
further French victories the decision was made to send another expedition to France. Both Normandy
and the long-held duchy of Gascony needed relief but the treasury could not support two expeditions
and so eventually Gascony was selected, the force to be led by the 1st Duke of Somerset,
John Beaufort. It has been suggested that the decision to undertake the campaign was down to
cardinal Beaufort, indeed Somerset was his nephew, but the campaign would end in failure. Somerset
would die soon after his return to England and Beaufort would retire from active duties as
councillor although he would still continue to exert some influence and offer informal council.
Without the influences of Gloucester and Beaufort, Suffolk now moved to the fore. Given the
perilous financial situation within England, drained further by the ongoing war, a peace
was needed. And so, at the insistence of Henry, but not without some reluctance, Suffolk travelled
to France in early 1444 to negotiate a marriage with Margaret of Anjou, the niece of Charles
VII. Before departing however Suffolk made sure to protect himself and asked for a public
declaration that neither he nor his colleagues would be held responsible should they fail, which
Henry duly granted. The negotiations concluded on the 22nd of May, resulting in the betrothal of
Margaret to Henry on the 24th and the sealing of a two year truce on the 28th. Suffolk acted
as proxy during the betrothal ceremony and on his return to England was richly rewarded,
first with the wardship of Margaret Beaufort, the deceased Somerset’s daughter and later in
the year was raised to the rank of marquess. Suffolk would return to France at the end of
1444 to continue the negotiations and early in 1445 once again acted as proxy for Henry in his
wedding to Margaret at Nancy. Margaret arrived in England in April, where, after recovering from
a period of illness that had begun in France, made worse by the sea crossing, she journeyed
to Titchfield Abbey and was married to Henry on the 22nd of April 1445. Margaret would stay at
one of cardinal Beaufort’s manors for a short time before making her way to London where she
arrived on the 28th of May and was crowned two days later. Rumours abounded however, that during
the negotiations Suffolk had been instructed by the king to cede land to the French and,
although he would report to parliament that this was not the case, his reputation
suffered. Suffolk kept his position and over the ensuing years would increase his influence
at court when many of his own men were appointed to prominent positions within the council.
The marriage seems to have been a happy one and the king was generous with his wife, buying
her jewels and horses, and in 1448 he allowed her to found Queen’s College, Cambridge. They
spent much time together in the royal palaces, but despite this it would be eight years before
a child was born of their union. Why it took the couple so long to produce an heir is unknown
but Henry was said to be of a prudish nature. Accounts survive of a visit to Bath in 1449 where
he was said to be shocked and embarrassed to see men and women bathing naked together. Another
similar event occurred at a Christmas pageant which featured women with bared breasts, to which
the King is said to have stormed out at the sight. Following his wedding Henry actively sought
peace with Charles VII, both rulers were said to be enthusiastic about making an agreement but
only extensions to the truce were concluded. When the first of the French envoys arrived
in London in 1445 Henry is noted to have greeted them personally, showing almost excessive
friendliness towards them. Although much of the negotiations took place between envoys Henry did
assert that he was happy to travel to France to speak in person to Charles, however this meeting
would never come to pass. Throughout the war, whenever peace was on the table, the English
had been unwilling to cede land, but this was about to change. In December 1445 Henry wrote
to Charles that he was willing to cede Maine to the French in the pursuit of peace between them.
This act by Henry was in response to envoys from Charles and duke René, Margaret’s father, and in
return would enact a twenty year truce. Henry, acting on his own initiative personally authorised
the document, although in some part he was said to have been influenced by his wife in coming
to this decision. The move by Henry was deeply unpopular and resisted by the English commanders
in France. The original date for the cession was to be the 30th of April 1446, but this day came
and went without the land being handed over. Opposition to the current French policy in
England was led, predictably, by Gloucester, who had always maintained a stance of not ceding
any territory. A parliament, originally scheduled to take place in Cambridge was rearranged
to meet in Bury St Edmunds, a stronghold of Suffolk’s influence and Gloucester was summoned
to attend. Rumours that Gloucester was plotting against Henry had seemingly been spread, and
the king apparently believed them, for on Gloucester’s arrival on the 18th of February 1447
he was denied access to the king and told to go instead to his lodgings. Gloucester was arrested
later that day, on a dubious charge of treason but would not face trial until five days later,
and on the 23rd of February, he was found dead. There has been some suggestion that Suffolk,
along with others, persuaded the king of his uncle’s intentions to raise the Welsh against
him, as Gloucester had holdings there. But it is likely that Suffolk’s true intent was to
silence opposition to the French policy that he was now pursuing, albeit without the intention
of the duke’s death. In order to prevent rumours of foul play his body was displayed in church. In
the following months a number of those arrested alongside him were tried and sentenced to death
by hanging, drawing, and quartering but in a show of mercy and compassion Henry pardoned
them as the executions were taking place, and even allowed the return of their confiscated
possessions and estates. But in years to come the myth of “The Good Duke Humphrey” would
cause many to believe that those in the king’s service had conspired to bring about
his death, damaging the standing of the king. There would be another prominent death for
Henry in the same year when the seventy-two year old cardinal Beaufort died on the
11th of April 1447. Both Henry and his queen were remembered in Beaufort’s will
and were bequeathed a number of items, as well as provision for substantial
donations to Eton and King’s College. But there was still opposition from his commanders
in France. Henry authorised his new king’s commissioners to use force if necessary,
to take custody of the holdings in Maine, in preparation for the cession in his fervent
pursuit of peace. Finally, after much back and forth and dragging of heels by those appointed by
Henry to facilitate the cession, Maine was given over in March 1448 but not without a show of force
by Charles who briefly laid siege to Le Mans. Ultimately, the extended truce granted by the
cession would be short lived and in the ensuing years Henry would lose control of both Normandy
and Gascony following an attack on the Breton town of Fougères by the English in March 1449. This
attack was launched on the pretext of freeing the pro-English Gilles, brother to the duke of
Brittany and a great childhood friend of Henry and was orchestrated by Suffolk and the 2nd duke
of Somerset, Edmund Beaufort. The attack led to a French declaration of war in July. Other monarchs,
such as Henry’s own father, would have seized on the opportunity to lead a force to recapture the
territory lost to the French but this was not the case for Henry and there is no suggestion of
such an idea ever having been raised at the time. The hundred years war would come to an end with a
French victory in 1453. Henry’s mismanagement of funds over the years and his fiscal prioritisation
of domestic projects and patronages rather than the war effort and lack of military leadership
can in part be blamed for the English defeat. It was during this tumultuous time that the
downfall of Suffolk and other prominent members of the council came about. In the years leading up
to 1450 Suffolk’s influence in court was prominent as fewer councillors attended meetings, and
it has been suggested that he was attempting to strengthen his line by betrothing his eldest
son to Margaret Beaufort. Owing to the situation in France and the loss of Rouen in October,
parliament was called late in 1449 and soon they were seeking a scapegoat for this disastrous
turn of events. Dissatisfaction with the handling of France and anger over the loss of long-held
territories was rife throughout the country. The first victim of the dissatisfaction was the
keeper of the privy seal, bishop Adam Moleyns, one of Suffolk’s most fervent supporters, who was
murdered in Portsmouth on the 9th of January 1450, by a soldier set to embark for France to go to the
aid of Normandy. When parliament reconvened after Christmas late in January of 1450 Suffolk declared
his loyalty to the crown but four days later the house of commons petitioned for his arrest. He
was impeached on the 7th of February with many spurious charges, including treason, laid against
him. On the 9th of March Suffolk denied all charges before the king and parliament. Finding
himself to be in a difficult position Henry would deal with the matter himself and on the 17th
of March the lords of parliament and Suffolk gathered in his personal chamber. Suffolk once
again protested his innocence and Henry dismissed the charge of treason but found him guilty of
lesser charges and sentenced him to banishment for five years, in an effort to protect him.
Suffolk was removed from London during the night of the 19th of March but despite the
secrecy was hounded part of the way to his estate in Suffolk by a group of Londoners.
Two days later there was rioting in London. Due to start his banishment on the 1st of May
he took ship from Ipswich heading for Calais, where he would continue his journey to the duke
of Burgundy’s lands in the Low Countries, but his ships were intercepted in the Straits of Dover.
He was taken aboard a ship called the Nicholas of the Tower, where he was held for a short while
before being beheaded on the 2nd of May 1450. His body lay on a dover beach and it was said
that his head was placed on a pole next to it. Given the unrest, when parliament resumed on the
29th of April after the easter break it was held in Leicester, and the king would be in attendance.
The issue of resumption had been put forward in previous sessions of parliament but initially
Henry resisted any major implementation and insisted that his previous grants should
stand, so that his credibility would not suffer further. Now in this latest session
the issue was raised again by the commons. In an effort to take back a portion of lost
revenue a bill was put forward that would revert hereditary grants to life grants, thus
returning land to the crown upon death. This bill pertained to all grants made by Henry since
the start of his reign but with some exemptions, as patronage had always been a part of a
king’s rule. It wasn’t until the 6th of May, when news of Suffolk’s death reached them that
the king accepted the bill, but in the coming month nearly two hundred exemptions would be
attached to it, thus defeating its purpose. The issue of resumption would be raised again in
the next year’s session of parliament (1450-51), given the failings of the first. Fewer exemptions
would be made, but this time Eton and King’s College were not entirely exempt as their
grants were heavily burdening the crown. Also, within this bill parliament tried to curtail
the king in his future patronages by proposing that all future grants were to be examined
by the three principle officers of state and a minimum of six councillors who would
have the power to authorise them. However, Henry refused to give his consent to this part
of the act as he did not want his own initiatives restricted. Further exemptions were added to the
bill before it was eventually passed by the king and proved to be somewhat more effective than the
first bill in the return of revenue to the crown. It was the very issue that resumption was trying
to solve that led, in part, to the disaffection within the realm. Losses in France, the financial
situation and ill-feeling towards those among Henry’s councillors whom it was thought used
their positions to benefit themselves all added to growing tensions. Criticism had not been
levelled at Henry, but the deaths of two of his closest advisors and feelings towards others
highlighted just how little control he had. This disaffection was felt heavily in Kent, where
a combination of French raids on the coast, slow recompense for the soldiers passing
through the county to and from France, and the rumour that Kent was to be punished for
Suffolk’s death all added up to the beginning of a rebellion in late May of 1450 led by Jack Cade,
also known as John Cade. Cade would also go under the alias John Mortimer, perhaps in an attempt
to link himself to the duke of York. News of the rebellion reached parliament in Leicester on
the 6th of June and shortly after Henry returned to London, but not before arrangements were made
for two separate commissions of lords to quash the uprising. Before the forces could be raised
however the rebels journeyed to Blackheath, arriving on the 11th of June where they made camp.
Initially the plan was to supress them and Henry announced that he would accompany those charged
with this duty to confront the rebels but was soon persuaded by his councillors to change his mind
after an assessment of their strength was made. Despite swearing loyalty, part of their demands
was to see the removal of certain powerful men that surrounded the king. They were instead
offered a pardon to return to their lands and so dismissed negotiations. When Henry changed
his mind again and decided to go heavily armed to Blackheath, they found on their arrival on the
18th of June that the rebels had withdrawn back to Kent. A small force of around four hundred
was sent in pursuit but were ambushed and many were killed near Tonbridge, those who survived
fled. They were in turn pursued by a larger force who pushed through Kent indiscriminately,
which only served to bolster the resolve of the rebels. Meanwhile a growing number of
those loyal to the crown threatened to defect unless certain high ranking members within the
king’s circle, who they considered traitors, were arrested. Henry capitulated to their demands
and ordered the arrest of Lord Saye on the 19th of June. Saye was a long serving member of the
council and had been one of Suffolk’s supporters. The next day Henry would publicly encourage the
arrest of others who were considered traitors. Henry returned to Westminster and secretly
summoned Lord Saye from the Tower, likely an effort to offer his protection as
he had done with Suffolk, but this order was refused by the constable. As the situation
deteriorated and men defected to Cade, discussions were held in which Henry
was persuaded to withdraw from London, and so on the 25th of June he left and made his
way to Kenilworth Castle. Henry called for forces to be bolstered at Kenilworth for his protection
but made no effort to send troops to London. Sixty-nine years earlier, in 1381, Richard II had
confronted the leaders of the peasants’ revolt, now it seemed that Henry’s mind had changed
again and had no further intention to do so, choosing to flee instead. The defence of London
was now in the hands of the mayor and common council. With news of the king’s departure the
rebels turned back to London and encamped in Southwark, just to the south of London Bridge, but
initially were unable to enter London itself. The king’s abandonment of the city had a demoralising
effect on those left to defend it and when another rising occurred in Essex rebel numbers were soon
bolstered. Cade would cross the bridge on the 3rd of July and despite previous pronouncements of
keeping the king’s peace, demonstrated by the beheading of one of his offending officers, he
would involve himself in acts of criminality. As a conciliatory act to quell the disaffection
Henry, on the 1st of July nominated a commission of oyer and terminer to deal with those named
as traitors. Cade was present for these sessions at the guildhall. Many of those brought into the
sessions were condemned, including Lord Saye, who was brought from the tower and denied the right
to be tried by his peers and William Crowmer, sheriff of Kent and Saye’s son-in-law. Saye and
Crowmer were condemned and executed, and alongside many others their heads were placed on spikes
and paraded through the city, Saye’s lifeless body was dragged through the streets as they made
their way to Southwark, attached to Cade’s saddle. But it seems the Londoner’s had had enough and
on the night of the 5th of July they fought the rebels and prevented them from crossing
the bridge back into the city, eventually being able to close the gate, barring them from
entering. The victory had been costly and many citizens lay dead after the fight. Negotiations
quickly followed with the queen offering a pardon to Cade. Following further negotiations and
the receiving of petitions from the rebels, they were given charters of pardon. Many within
the rebel force took up the offer of the pardon but Cade shunned it and crossed back into Kent. He
was proclaimed a traitor on the 10th of July with a bounty of one thousand marks placed on him, and
the spoils he had taken were seized and sold off to raise funds. He was captured in Heathfield,
Sussex, on the 12th of July and died of wounds sustained in his apprehension. His naked body
was brought back to Southwark and beheaded and his head displayed on London Bridge. His body was
drawn through the city before being quartered. Henry returned to London towards the end of
July. Unrest continued in the south-east and so another commission of oyer and terminer was
appointed to investigate those in connection with the complainants from Kent. Many royal
officials and Kent landowners were brought before the justices but their punishments, for those
who were found guilty, were light. Similarly, those who continued with the rebellion having
shunned the pardon were sought to make a show that treason would not be tolerated but
despite this the trouble and dissension with royal officials continued well into 1451,
spilling over into other areas across the country. Amidst the turmoil in 1450, Richard, duke of
York, the king’s cousin, returned from Ireland where he’d been lieutenant since December
1447, a post he’d previously held in France after Bedford’s death. Unduly disturbed by the
references to York throughout the rebellion, orders were issued by Henry’s usher of the
chambers to delay York’s landing and so when he attempted to land at Beaumaris in Anglesey
was denied and would instead land further down the Welsh coast. When he eventually reached
London on the 27th of September he met with Henry briefly and would stay in the city for two
weeks. During this time they communicated through a series of bills in which York rebuffed those he
had been associated with during the rebellion and offered to take a leading hand in government to
quell the disquiet. Henry acknowledged York as his loyal subject and beloved cousin but instead
of accepting his proposal instead stated that a new council was to be established which York
was to be a part of. After only two weeks, York left London to tour his estates in the
Midlands before parliament opened in November. On the 3rd of December of 1450, in order to quell
the unrest that was rife in London, Henry and a great number of the lords rode out through the
city. It seemed that this parade had the desired effect and tempers cooled, York was despatched to
punish the rebels still in Kent and Sussex later that month. Later in 1451, during the same session
of parliament, Henry refused the attainder against the deceased Suffolk proposed by the commons
and would appoint York’s rival Somerset as Captain of Calais. In what was to be the final
session of parliament the issue of succession was raised by Thomas Young, an ally of York. As
the king had so far failed to produce an heir and with Bedford and Gloucester dead there was no
clear successor to Henry. Both Somerset and York had claims but Thomas put it to parliament that
York should be acknowledged as heir presumptive, and the commons refused to continue with any other
business until York had been named. Henry was stirred to action and had Thomas arrested and sent
to the Tower and immediately dissolved parliament. York was dealt a further blow in 1452 when the
speaker of the previous parliament session and one of York’s allies William Oldhall was
forcibly removed by order of Somerset from sanctuary at St. Martin-le-Grand Church. He was
charged with looting possessions from Somerset’s property during the trouble in 1450 but also
with the spurious charge of plotting against the king on York’s behalf. This only served to
inflame the feud that already existed between York and Somerset, who was by now a leading
member of the government and firmly in Henry’s favour. York gathered a host and marched to
Dartford intent on removing Somerset, who for his part gathered a great number of the lords
and the king himself and went out to meet York, making camp at Blackheath. Negotiations were
held at the beginning of March and York laid out his grievances, most of which were against
Somerset, but failed to gain the support of the king and lordly retinue. York was returned
to London and two weeks later made to swear a humiliating oath of allegiance to the crown in
St. Paul’s Cathedral. Following this Somerset’s influence grew in parliament, whereas York
would lose the lieutenancy of Ireland to a man who he had once considered an ally but who
now moved towards Somerset’s sphere of influence. The remainder of 1452 was spent in the continued
effort of putting an end to those rebels still at large in Kent, to which end many were executed
and their heads displayed on London Bridge, although Henry would issue another general
pardon to all those but the murderers of the bishops Moleyns and Aiscough. He would also
embark on a judicial tour of lands held by York, making himself visible to the populace, and
took a hand in dispensing justice to those involved in the attempted uprising as one of the
commissioners of oyer and terminer. Henry accepted many petitions during this time but some, at the
direction of Somerset were forced to submit to the king while others were hanged. In October they
would see some success in France when Bordeaux was retaken, having been captured by the French
the year before. But although there had been some discussion of Henry joining the campaign earlier
in the year, this once again didn’t happen. In November Henry raised Edmund and Jasper
Tudor to the earldoms of Richmond and Pembroke, positions that had once been held by his uncles
Bedford and Gloucester and in early 1453, parliament accepted a petition to formally
acknowledge the boys as the king’s half-brothers. The wardship of Margaret Beaufort was given to the
brothers and Edmund would marry her in November 1455. At thirteen years old she would give birth
to her only son Henry Tudor on the 28th of January 1457. More good news graced the court in 1453
when it was announced that queen Margaret was pregnant with a long awaited heir. Henry was
generous in granting a reward to the messenger that brought him the news. But the modest recovery
of Henry’s rule was short lived when news came of a terrible defeat in France in July. Just
a short while later in early August 1453, Henry collapsed into a catatonic state while
at the royal hunting lodge in Clarendon. Henry’s precise illness has not been identified
but it has been termed as a severe mental collapse which left him completely incapacitated and in no
way able to rule, even in appearance. It was said that he recognised no one, could not speak, nor
clean or feed himself. His grandfather Charles VI of France had suffered bouts of madness
during his life where he would become violent, among other symptoms, but there is no suggestion
that Henry suffered in this way. Initially Henry’s sickness was kept secret but this state could
not continue when he failed to recover after some weeks. Finally, after the birth of Henry’s
only child Edward on the 13th of October 1453, a great council was summoned and among the high
lords the duke of York was invited to attend. Although he was encouraged to put aside his
differences with Somerset in attendance at the council, York seized his chance to bring
about his downfall. When the duke of Norfolk launched a verbal attack accusing Somerset
of treason for losses in France and demanding his imprisonment at York’s request the lords
consented, capitulating to the aggressiveness of the attack. York now stepped to the fore but
would be challenged by queen Margaret who in January 1454 put forth her claim to the regency.
However, this was rejected outright by both houses of parliament before they made a concession and
named Edward as Prince of Wales on the 15th of March. On the 27th of March York was named as
protector of the realm and chief councillor. During his term as protector York would appoint
himself captain of Calais, reclaim his lieutenancy of Ireland and appoint some of his own allies to
the council including Richard Neville, earl of Salisbury, as chancellor. Henry finally recovered
by Christmas 1454 although he had no memory of his period of illness, and straightaway ordered
gifts of thanks to be delivered to the shrine in Canterbury for his recovery. Henry acknowledged
his son ensuring the succession and would quickly undo much of what York had enacted as protector.
Somerset was released from the Tower and soon resumed his position within government, reclaiming
the titles of captain of Calais and constable of England from York. The duke of Exeter, imprisoned
by York for his part in the violent feud between the Percys and Nevilles was ordered to be released
and Salisbury was removed as chancellor. The protectorate was formally ended and with York and
his allies side lined and fearing victimization they left London and began raising an army.
The initial intention by York and his allies was not to go to war, only to remove the traitors
from around the king, namely Somerset and his allies. News of the approaching force prompted
Henry to send a small delegation to negotiate with York but to no avail. Henry and the court
had been due to travel to Leicester for a great council on the 21st of May but now it was decided
to divert to St Albans to gather reinforcements before proceeding to Leicester. They were still
a short distance from St Albans on the morning of the 22nd of May when news arrived that York
was not far away with a larger force than their own. With this news Henry appointed Humphrey,
duke of Buckingham as constable of England, a conciliatory action in the hope that York would
be willing to negotiate with someone other than Somerset. The king’s party continued on but York
reached St Albans first. Negotiations began in the king’s name by Buckingham and Somerset but it
seems that Henry took no part in them, in stark contrast to the way he threw himself into making
peace with France, years earlier. It has been said that he seemed to show signs of confusion at this
time. But after only an hour, the earl of Warwick, on the side of York, grew impatient and
launched an attack on the town’s barricades. Initially the defenders held out until they were
flanked by Warwick’s men. Somerset and Henry Percy were killed and Henry, still under his banner in
the marketplace, was wounded in the neck but took no active part in the fighting. Henry hid in
a tanner’s house and was soon captured by York and taken to the abbey, he was not harmed by his
captors for York was fighting for, not against the king. With Somerset dead York, accompanied by
Salisbury and Warwick, took Henry to the shrine in the abbey where Henry, with little choice in
the matter, swore them as his liege men. York then ordered an end to the fighting in the name
of the king. Henry was returned to London the next day and on the 24th paraded through the
streets, with York, Salisbury, and Warwick by his side. On the 25th in St. Pauls Cathedral,
York himself would hand Henry his crown. Henry would grant pardons to almost all who had fought
alongside York in the July session of parliament. York would briefly serve as protector of the
realm again from the 19th of November. Although it has not been definitively proven there is
some suggestion that Henry was suffering from ill health at the time and was unable to attend
parliament or rule in his own right. However, York resigned the position in late February 1456 given
the lack of support he received for another act of resumption that was put through parliament and
his authority would continue to wane throughout the year. At the same time queen Margaret
would strengthen her position, replacing some of York’s men with her own in offices of stature.
The court moved to Coventry with Henry in August where he was joined by Margaret and their son
in September, but by this time he presented a somewhat feeble image. During this time Margaret’s
influence would grow not only with the king but within her appointments of men loyal to her within
government and on her son’s council. For now, an uneasy peace held between the Yorkists and
royalists and Henry would march at the centre of the Love Day procession in London in March 1458,
an act designed to reconcile the two sides. But when Warwick fled back to Calais after violence
broke out between his men and the king’s household after being summoned to a council, the situation
began to deteriorate once again, throughout 1459. Hostilities began anew on the 23rd of September
1459 with the battle of Blore Heath, the first battle of the Wars of the Roses, where the
Lancastrians were to intercept Salisbury’s force. The Lancastrian forces were routed but Salisbury’s
force was much depleted by the time he met with York and Warwick. The Yorkists made one last
appeal to Henry by letter to which he replied he would offer York, Warwick, and their men a pardon,
excluding Salisbury, but only if they surrendered within six days. The two armies once again faced
one another in the field at Ludford Bridge on the 12th of October and despite rumours spread by
the Yorkists that Henry was dead, he and Margaret accompanied their forces. Opening shots were fired
by Yorkist artillery but battle wasn’t joined, and later that night a large number of men defected
to Henry. Following this and sensing defeat York, Salisbury and Warwick fled, leaving their men
where they stood, unaware that their commanders had deserted them. York and his second son
Edmund fled to Ireland, leaving his wife and two younger sons behind, while Salisbury,
Warwick, and York’s eldest son Edward went to Calais. The next morning, leaderless, the Yorkist
forces surrendered with most receiving pardons. Queen Margaret now stepped to the
fore in punishing the crown’s enemies, attainting York and his associates and giving
some of their confiscated possessions to trusted men of the crown, including Owen Tudor and his
surviving son Jasper. But all attempts to dispose of the leading Yorkists failed and on the 26th of
June 1460 Warwick and his men landed at Sandwich, reaching London by the 2nd of July. On the 10th of
July, with the king and queen in attendance, the two sides faced one another outside Northampton.
Already lacking in strength, part of the king’s force defected to the Yorkists causing many of the
remaining soldiers to desert. Orders were issued that the king should not be harmed and he was soon
taken captive while many of his lords were slain. Henry returned to London as a prisoner of Warwick,
and Margaret fled, first to Wales before making her way to Scotland. In October York returned to
stake his claim for the crown by right of descent, there was much debate in parliament, where Henry
was not in attendance, and finally it was agreed that York would be named heir to the throne in
place of Henry’s son on the 31st of October 1460. York and his son Edmund were killed outside Sandal
Castle near Wakefield on the 30th of December 1460, in pursuit of queen Margaret, who still
vehemently opposed them and had gathered an army to deal with the Yorkists. Salisbury’s son would
also die in the battle, while Salisbury himself was captured and beheaded the following day. Their
heads were then put on display on the gates of the city of York. Margaret joined the army in January
1461 and they began advancing south. Warwick, taking Henry with him, went north with his force
and once again the two armies met in St Albans on the 17th of February. The Lancastrians
won the day and Henry was recovered from the Yorkists to be reunited with his family, he was
overjoyed at his release and knighted his son. Warwick had fled the field and was met
on the road by York’s elder son Edward, making his way to London from his own victory
against Jasper Tudor at Mortimer’s Cross, Herefordshire. At the same time the Lancastrian
court was also making its way to London and would arrive first. Arrangements were made with
the mayor for them to enter the city but when they approached Cripplegate on the 22nd
of February the citizens of London barred the gates against them. In contrast Edward
was welcomed into the city on the 27th of February cutting a much more striking and
royal figure than Henry. In the following days Henry was denounced as unfit to rule, Edward
IV assumed the crown on the 4th of March 1461. The battle of Towton would follow at the end of
March but Henry, Margaret and Edward were not present having already travelled north to York.
They then found refuge in Scotland where plans were made to reclaim the kingdom. Henry still had
supporters and many would join him in Scotland, where they raided over the border a number of
times. Margaret travelled to France to negotiate with the new king Louis XI, an agreement was
struck in 1462 and she returned to Scotland, but it was countered by the sealing of a truce
between England and France in mid-1463. A truce was then concluded with Scotland in December
1463 which ended their refuge in the country. The Lancastrians were forced back into northern
England where they kept up resistance and would fight a number of battles but were ultimately
defeated. At this point Henry seemed to be little more than a figurehead and stayed
away from the battles. Following the defeat, he went on the run, seeking shelter from his
sympathizers but was eventually caught by a group of men in Lancashire on the 13th of
July 1465 and was taken back to the Tower. By the time Henry was captured Margaret had
been in France for two years with her son, still seeking aid for their cause. Warwick made
his way to France in 1470 after a failed uprising against Edward IV, relations between the two
had broken down and now with aid from Louis XI, Margaret and Warwick were reconciled. Warwick
agreed to betroth his daughter to Henry’s son prince Edward of Westminster and they married in
December 1470. By this time Edward was already the opposite of his father with his martial nature.
Warwick invaded England in the autumn of 1470 and Edward IV fled, having been deserted by many
of his supporters. On the 3rd of October 1470 Henry was once again proclaimed king but took
no hand in ruling and was said to be extremely passive for the few short months he sat on the
throne. Edward IV invaded England with a small army in March 1471 and gathered support as he
marched south. With Margaret and her forces still in France it was left to Warwick to throw back
the invasion a task at which he utterly failed, preferring instead to wait within the walls of
his castle in Coventry to be reinforced. Edward IV marched on London. Henry was paraded through
the streets to give heart to people at the news of the invading force but it was said to have much
the opposite effect and Edward entered the city on the 11th of April 1471. Henry was immediately
taken into custody and returned to the Tower. Margaret, prince Edward, and their forces
landed just three days later on the 14th but their advance north was halted by Edward IV at
the battle of Tewkesbury on the 4th of May. Prince Edward was killed during the battle and Margaret
was taken prisoner. Henry, still in the tower was killed on the 21st of May 1471, likely on the
orders of Edward IV though not by his own hand. History has often looked on Henry VI as mad,
empty-headed or an imbecile, a reluctant ruler who was not fit to hold the crown. But powerful
influences acting on him from birth led to a dependency in life that would never leave him
and in the wake of his father’s death, he had no kingly example from which to learn and form the
basis of his own rule, nor experience of growing up in court in any other position than king.
Some historians have even suggested that Henry was merely a puppet through which others ruled.
There is no evidence that Henry was frail or simple minded, nor that he suffered any unusual
ill health in his younger years and was noted to be calm in his temperament and overtly pious.
He was of a generous nature but such was his generosity that it was of detriment to himself
in a time when finances throughout the realm were stretched by war and an economic slump. This
generosity also highlights the confusion he seems to have borne in matters pertaining to governance
when he frequently duplicated grants. He was well intentioned and took interest in some aspects of
his rule but seems not to have had the necessary political and diplomatic acumen that a king of
the time required. Henry certainly cannot be said to have inherited his father and grandfather’s
militaristic tendencies but was merciful and compassionate to a fault, issuing many pardons
over the years, some of which were certainly undeserved and went against the advice of his
council. His dependency on those around him, especially his wife, in the later years of his
reign would intensify as he became increasingly withdrawn and possibly disillusioned with his
role. This would result in much strife over many years and highlights, that despite
his best intentions, his in-attention and lack of interest in many matters made
his rule, for the most part, ineffectual. What do you think of King Henry VI? Was
he an ineffectual King who was unfit for the role or was he a kind natured King
and a victim of circumstance? Please let us know in the comment section and in the
meantime thank you very much for watching.
