Why Did Italy Become Fascist? | The Rise of Mussolini Explained

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Before Benito Mussolini seized  control of Italy in 1922,   most of the world had never  heard the word “fascist.” Of course over the next few decades, that changed. Fascistic thinking proved to  be unfortunately attractive, and before it was stamped out, Fascism became  the twentieth century’s 2nd most deadly ideology. So then, what caused the creation,   and critically the acceptance, of  such a virulent movement in Italy? Well, it had to do with who  Benito Mussolini was as a person, and the traumatised state of  European societies after WW1. Still, nothing in history was inevitable. So,   with other options being on the  table: why did Italy become fascist? Well, Mussolini and his National  Fascist Party came to power less   because of any great triumph on their part,   and more because of catastrophic failures  by the forces that could have stopped them. Italy was new to democracy when  Mussolini came onto the political scene. Before the vote was expanded to most men in 1912,   Italian politics had been the domain of just  the aristocracy and the educated middle class. In fact, until just 1848, Italy’s  royal house of Savoy ruled their   Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia as absolute monarchs. That year, Piedmont adopted a more  democratic constitution, and then,   over the course of about two decades, it  incorporated most of the Italian peninsula. The Piedmontese Constitution  became the constitution of Italy:   giving it an elected parliament,  a king, and a Prime Minister,   who was responsible to both of them.  At least in theory… in practice,   a majority in parliament was sometimes hard  to come by, giving the king the final say on   who got to wield government power. Something  that Mussolini later took full advantage of. By 1914, the days of Italy being Europe’s  commercial heart were long since over,   and its political unification decades earlier  hadn’t exactly brought about societal unification. From region to region, things as fundamental as language differed drastically in Italy.  Industry was sparse and the South in particular was impoverished,   almost feudal. Still, a few northern  cities did have living standards that   more or less matched the rest of Western Europe,   though with that came political problems.  Socialist representatives of the newly enfranchised working class fought amongst  themselves, and against established interests. Namely, Italy’s government led by the centrist  Liberal Union faction, as well as movements   backed by the Catholic Church, but in 1914  the country wasn’t tearing itself apart. Then, Italy joined WW1 in 1915, and as is obvious  with hindsight, that didn’t go quite as they had   hoped. The Italians were on the war’s winning  side… but looking at Italy afterwards, one could   be forgiven for assuming otherwise; a nationalist  writer called Italy’s lot a “mutilated peace.”   They had been promised land and an easy victory  to entice them to declare war. Those never came.   Hundreds of thousands of Italians were lost to  three years of miserable trench or alpine warfare,   and only a portion of Italy’s promised  territorial spoils were actually handed over.  Worse, with the end of the war Italy’s  economy tanked: factories closed,   the Lira dropped in value, and by 1919 some  two million Italians, many of them veterans,   were unemployed. 1919 was also year that  Mussolini founded the National Fascist Party,   which originally aimed to win the support  of the most nationalistic of those veterans. The effects of WW1 had weakened  the two main obstacles to Fascism. The Liberal coalition that ran Italy was  popularly perceived to have wasted the   country’s war sacrifices, and after  being smashed in 1919’s elections, could only govern because no one else had a majority either. Their Socialist opponents (who had  tripled their own seats in parliament)   weren’t really any stronger though: the  left terrified those outside of their   rank-and-file with unabashed revolutionary  rhetoric, and never got into government. Benito Mussolini had actually started off life  as a Socialist (in fact he was editor of their   party newspaper), but in contrast to his former  colleagues’ one-third of parliamentary seats,   his Fascists won none in 1919. The party  originally called itself the Italian Fasces of   Combat, after the Fasces symbol. For himself,  Mussolini took the title Il Duce: the boss. He had split with the Socialists on the  issue of the war (of which he was an   enthusiastic supporter) but it was still from  left-wing thinking that early Fascism arose.   From it, the Fascists took their fiery,  populist style and anticapitalist,   antimonarchist, and antireligious sentiments.  Not that Mussolini’s movement was consistent.   Church and king were both embraced  by Fascism to get, and keep, power. What most clearly separated Socialism and Fascism,   at the start, was Mussolini’s  embrace of Italian nationalism, and his ardent idealisation of violence. Not that Italian Socialism  was necessarily pacifistic,   but Mussolini saw conflict not as an  evil or a necessary means to an end, but as an actively desirable force  for purity and societal strength. The idea of eradicating supposed weakness  from society by means of an all-encompassing   state was Fascism’s founding tenet, and the  only one that really remained consistent. That certainly wasn’t a positive  for most ordinary Italians, but it just can’t be understated how much  Mussolini’s number one targets, the Socialists (and after 1921, also the Communist Party)  inspired real fear in the hearts of everyone else. The left wing wasn’t helping its image  either— supporting militant strikes, refusing to cooperate with other parties,  and failing to hide their admiration for   the Bolsheviks in Russia, even  as they tore that country apart. Mussolini, on the other hand, seemed  to be moderating. To the middle class,   intellectuals, and the political establishment  generally, he came to look a lot more reasonable   by ditching much of the rhetoric he had  inherited from his own Socialist days. Italians felt that they were downtrodden,  Mussolini promised he could make it better,   and unlike the centre or the left,  Fascism was new to the scene: untarnished by past failure in government,   or association with unpleasant  activities at home and abroad. As living conditions in Italy worsened,   Socialist backed strikes paralysed much  of the country in 1919, 20, and 21, while the Fascists earnt themselves a reputation   as defenders of law and order by  suppressing industrial action.   Mussolini’s militia, the Blackshirts, would  soon number some 20,000 men, and the National   Fascist Party swelled to 300,000 members by  October 1922, with many more sympathisers. Devout Catholic Italians and the Vatican  were drawn to Fascism’s defence of the   Church against the left, and to Mussolini’s  support for traditional family values,   including preventing women’s  suffrage and reversing their gains   in the workplace—again a u-turn  from Fascism’s Socialist roots. To the Liberals, Mussolini and  his ideology were distasteful, but they thought something drastic  had to be done to prevent, in Italy,   the destruction that Marxism had, by  1922, already unleashed elsewhere. Was that an accurate assessment? Probably not,   the Italian economy was already recovering by the  time Mussolini took over, and unlike in Russia,   the Italian army was not about to join  in a revolution, but the fear was real. Of course, the Fascists themselves were  instrumental in spreading that fear far and wide. The former Liberal Prime Minister  Giovanni Giolitti had already helped   the Fascists into parliament in the 1921 elections as part of a broad anti-socialist bloc,   but if the old establishment thought they  could control Mussolini, they were very wrong. Liberal Italy miscalculated: it  overestimated the Socialist threat,   and underestimated the danger posed by Fascism. By late 1922, the Blackshirts had  smashed Socialist opposition in   much of northern Italy and established  a base in Milan. The actual government   (led by Prime Minister Luigi Facta) had  done little to prevent the violence so   the Fascists seized on the initiative,  and Mussolini ordered a March on Rome. The Blackshirts would have been no match  for the Italian army if it had fought back,   which is probably why Mussolini himself  stayed safe in Milan during the coup. To his credit, Facta wanted to  order troops to defend the capital,   but King Victor Emmanuel III refused  to use force against the Fascists. On October 30th, he completely legally, if  immorally, appointed Mussolini Prime Minister. Why? Well because he too overestimated the  left and underestimated the danger of the Duce. Mussolini would rule Italy for  another 20 years before meeting a   rather ignominious end at the hands of  Italians who had come to despise him.  Italian Fascism wasn’t the only consequence of  World War One. In Germany, the end of the war   brought about the end of the Kaiser. To find out  how, you should check out the video to the left,   or see how Yugoslavia united as Italy’s main war  enemy collapsed. Hopefully, I’ll see you there,   and as always, I’ve been James, and  thanks for watching Look Back History.
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Channel: Look Back History
Views: 25,932
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Keywords: italy, benito mussolini, how did mussolini take over italy, how did mussolini rise to power, how did mussolini come to power, mussolini, fascism, italian fascism explained, history, march on rome, socialism, liberalism, ww1, world war one, italy world war one, victor emmanuel iii, luigi facta, giovanni giolitti, political history, mussolini history, why did mussolini move from marxism to fascism, ww2, italy ww2, mussolini war, blackshirts
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Length: 10min 16sec (616 seconds)
Published: Thu Aug 10 2023
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