Marie Antoinette - The Downfall & Death of a Queen Documentary

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The woman known to history as Marie Antoinette, was born on the second of November 1755, at the Hofburg Palace in Vienna. Her parents, Holy Roman Emperor Francis I and Empress Maria Theresa of Austria, gave her the name of Maria Antonia Josepha Johanna. Her birth was welcomed but not particularly celebrated, as she was the second-to-last of sixteen children, ten of whom would survive to adulthood. Since each of her sisters, as well as her mother, were also named “Maria,” the fifteenth child of the Emperor and Empress of Austria was called “Madame Antoine” and sometimes, “Antoinette” within the family. Despite her illustrious Hapsburg lineage, few, including her own parents, imagined that her life or experiences would be especially consequential. Certainly not more than her own mother, whose strength, intelligence, and skill at statecraft and diplomacy had made her one of the most celebrated queens ever to rule in Europe. It is unlikely that anyone could have predicted that Madame Antoine, the youngest Archduchess of Austria, would ever attain greater notoriety, or that she would in fact become one of the most famous - and infamous - women in history. Antoine was born during a period of notable diplomatic and geopolitical tension in Europe. Austria had recovered control of most of the territories lost or challenged during the War of Austrian Succession a decade before, save for Silesia, which was still held by Maria Theresa’s inveterate enemy, Frederick the Great of Prussia. When Prussia signed a treaty with England, France’s greatest rival in both Europe and the overseas colonial world, Austria immediately turned to France as a potential ally, despite the long history of wary hostility between the two countries. When Antoine was just six months old, her parents cemented their new alliance with King Louis XV of France by proposing her betrothal to the King’s grandson, Louis-Auguste, Duc de Berry, who was just one year older than Antoine. The marriage, which was not officially approved until the two children were twelve and thirteen, respectively, would figure prominently in a series of crises which would spark revolution and war, and not just in France, but throughout Europe. Antoine was born on what is known as All Souls’ Day, or the Day of the Dead in various Catholic traditions. Because it is a day of mourning, associated with death, the Austrian royal family always observed Antoine’s birthday the day before, on All Saints’ Day. Not only was the day of her birth inauspicious, but that very same day, a massive earthquake wreaked untold destruction and caused 30,000 deaths in Lisbon, Portugal. The King and Queen of Portugal, who had been asked to serve as Antoine’s godparents, were forced to flee their ruined capital. Naturally, these coincidences were not really observed or remarked upon for years. The communication barriers of the time period meant that weeks elapsed before word of the disaster reached Vienna, and neither were the Portuguese King and Queen actually expected to arrive for Antoine’s christening, since baptisms were invariably performed within three days of birth, and proxies almost always stood in for royal godparents. But upon reflection during the decades and centuries following Marie Antoinette’s death, one could be forgiven for remarking on the implied foreboding surrounding her birth, especially given the ultimately tragic course of her life and manner of her death. From the beginning, an ill fate seemed to follow the little princess. Despite her obscure place in her family, Antoine seems to have had a fairly happy childhood, although her early life is not particularly well-documented. Her eldest siblings were nearly two decades older than she, but five of them were close enough to her in age to be both playmates and schoolroom companions. While Antoine loved all of her brothers and sisters, she was especially close to her sister Charlotte, who was three years older. She also enjoyed a strong relationship with her eldest brother Joseph, the future Holy Roman Emperor, despite the vast difference in their ages. Maria Theresa’s children seemed to view her with a mixture of love and fear. She was committed to her family, loved her children, and took her responsibilities as a mother very seriously, but as Empress of Austria and Queen of Hungary and Bohemia in her own right, she also had the stewardship of an empire. Maria Theresa’s father, the Holy Roman Emperor Charles VI, had enacted a special international treaty in 1713 known as the Pragmatic Sanction, which recognized his eldest daughter as his heir, in the absence of a son. He then arranged Maria Theresa’s marriage to the former Duke of Lorraine, Francis Stephen. After the death of Charles VI, Maria Theresa acceded to the hereditary rule of Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary, while securing her new husband’s election to the position of Holy Roman Emperor, since the title could not be held by a woman. It was the Empress herself, however, who wielded the real power and shouldered most responsibilities. Maria Theresa’s devotion to duty was such that she reportedly continued to read and sign important state papers while in her child-birthing bed, so loathe was she to waste time. Historians have observed that the Empress’s vast responsibilities gave her a brusque and hard quality, even with those closest to her, despite her noted encouragement of a close family life. She was also constantly critical of her children, and especially insistent upon arranging their marriages with the greatest possible benefit for the Austrian empire in mind. The Latin motto of the Austrian Hapsburgs, Bella gerant alii, tu felix Austria nube, translates to “Let others wage war, thee, happy Austria, marry!” Virtually none of Maria Theresa’s children were permitted to choose their own spouses, and all were expected to do their duty and marry to strengthen the dynasty. Maria Amalia and Maria Carolina, known within the family as “Charlotte,” had both been required to marry royal suitors of dubious character or capacity for the benefit of Austria. On the eve of Charlotte’s wedding to the mentally unstable King of Naples, the Empress Maria Theresa wrote: “So long as she fulfills her duty towards God and her husband and earns her salvation, even if she is unhappy, I will be satisfied.” Even Maria Christina, her mother’s favourite, had to concede Maria Theresa’s harder qualities. “You know the manner in which she loved her children,” she wrote a few years after her mother’s death. “Mixed in with her love there was always a dose of mistrust and a coldness palpable.” As for young Antoine, like most of her siblings, her own love for her mother was always complicated by the Empress’s criticism, and by her generally low opinion of Antoine’s attitude, intelligence, and capabilities. The little archduchess had a much closer and warmer relationship with her father. Francis I did not have much in common with his wife. His noted pursuit of pleasure contrasted sharply with her firm work ethic and he seemed more interested in amusements like hunting, gambling, and mistresses than in ruling. Francis seemed content to hold his largely ceremonial position however, and while it is true that Maria Theresa held the real state power, she relied heavily on Francis to manage Austria’s financial affairs. Considering the financial precariousness of many of Europe’s royal treasuries during the mid-to-late eighteenth century, Francis actually acquitted himself quite well in these duties. The most unfortunate aspect of Francis’ and Maria Theresa’s marriage was that she almost certainly loved him more than he loved her. Francis, the young Duke of Lorraine, had been quote “adopted” into the Austrian court at the age of fourteen, as Emperor Charles VI intended him to marry his eldest daughter and heir. Maria Theresa was said to have loved Francis from the very beginning, feelings he did not return, although he did seem to hold a genuine affection, respect, and liking for her. He unfortunately proved to be compulsively unfaithful during his marriage, and his incurable and often indiscreet philandering saddened his wife. Nevertheless, as a group, his family seemed to adore him. He was described as cheerful, lively, teasing, and playful when relaxed in the company of his children, and he showed them all, including his youngest daughter Antoine, the sort of affection and warmth which their own mother often did not. The Austrian royal family had several residences and pleasure palaces, but lived primarily at the Hofburg Palace during the colder months, and at Schönbrunn Palace during the warmer months. Both of these palaces were formal royal residences where politics and diplomacy were regularly formulated and power duly exercised. Courtiers, ambassadors, bureaucrats, and other dignitaries visited these palaces daily and interacted formally with the royal family. However, both palaces had been constructed and improved over time with a view to preserving a sphere of privacy for the family. Unlike other mid-eighteenth-century European royals, the Austrian Hapsburgs maintained a noted distinction between the public and the private. In contrast, the French royal family was on display every hour of the day. Even their bathing and dressing routines might be attended by government ministers and France’s greatest nobles, each of whom was fully convinced of their right to have such access to the royal family. In contrast, Austrian royal palaces were built with much sharper distinctions between public chambers for official receptions and audiences, and private chambers which were accessible only at the express invitation of the royal family. As a result, Antoine and her siblings grew up enjoying a relaxed, informal family life which was quite different to their European royal contemporaries. Naturally, the children of Maria Theresa and Francis I were expected to be present and play their royal roles in public functions, but they also regularly had opportunities for family recreation out of the public eye. The Austrian Hapsburgs enjoyed outdoor activities together such as sledding in the winter months and riding and hunting in the warmer months. Vienna was one of the richest cultural centers in Europe and so naturally, the whole family were lovers and patrons of the arts. Whether it was in public for the entertainment of the court, or in private for their own amusement, the royal family particularly enjoyed music, dancing, and staging amateur theatricals together. From an early age, Antoine had been exposed to the performance and tutelage of some of the greatest musicians, composers, and dancers in Europe. She had the privilege of meeting the six-year-old prodigy, Wolfgang Mozart, who was just two months younger than herself, when he visited Schönbrunn Palace to play for the royal family in October 1762. Her dancing instructor was one of the greatest ballet masters of the day, Jean-Georges Noverre, and her music teacher was the famed composer, Christophe Willibald Gluck, who secured the official patronage of Maria Theresa the same year Antoine was born. Naturally, the arts formed a major part of Antoine’s education, and she proved to be quite talented in multiple artistic pursuits. She was a particularly fine dancer and was described by contemporary observers as exceptionally graceful and poised, even as a small child. Antoine also proved to be a fine musician. She was adept at the harp and the harpsichord, she could sight-read music at a professional level by the time she reached adolescence, and she was said to have had a lovely singing voice. But beyond her noted artistic accomplishments, she was not a particularly good student. She eventually came to enjoy her history lessons, but remained uninterested in any other academic subjects. When her new tutor, Mathieu-Jacques, Abbe de Vermond, arrived from France in 1768 to assess her previous education and begin to prepare her for her role as the wife of the Dauphin, he was shocked and horrified to discover that the twelve-year-old princess could scarcely write in her own native language. This is rather surprising considering that the Austrian Hapsburgs had access to the very best educational resources to be had in Europe, and several members of Antoine’s immediate family were quite well-read and scholarly. Additionally, Vienna was one of the foremost cities in Europe for intellectualism, sophistication, and a cosmopolitan approach to learning. A sizeable proportion of the Viennese, and several of the Hapsburgs themselves, were trilingual, regularly speaking German, which their local subjects spoke, Italian, because they ruled several regions in Italy as well, and French because it was the lingua franca of eighteenth-century Europe. At barely thirteen years of age, Antoine only spoke her first language – French – with any fluency, though her speech was overlaid by a great many German linguistic elements and she spoke with a strong German accent. A number of potential factors may have contributed to her generally unimpressive academic performance. Antoine’s father, the Emperor, was the former Duke of Lorraine, whose first language was also French. Although he became Emperor of Austria – albeit in a largely ceremonial position – he steadfastly refused to speak or even to learn German, behaviour which might well have influenced his daughter. Additionally, Antoine’s principal governess was described by some sources as having been rather neglectful of her young pupil. Antoine always disliked reading and it is possible that she was permitted to neglect those lessons she did not enjoy. Further, Antoine’s parents might not have considered her poor education important enough to rectify. Until it became virtually certain that she would wed the Dauphin of France, no one at the Austrian court seemed to care much about Antoine’s education or training, perhaps because until her marriage to the future King of France became assured, no one thought her particularly worth teaching for any purpose other than being a pretty ornament to a royal court. Her tutor, Abbe de Vermond, wrote that his pupil had a tendency toward laziness and frivolousness, which is unsurprising in a child with so little structure or consistency in her early education. He expressed confidence however, in what he perceived to be her natural intelligence. Despite the gaps in her education, Antoine proved to be a quick learner. Vermond noted that when sufficiently motivated to learn, she grasped new lessons quickly and used reason admirably to suggest solutions to problems. Under his tutelage, Antoine’s literacy and learning capacity improved quickly and dramatically. Though the Austrian Hapsburgs appeared to lead the most charmed of lives, even for a royal family, they would have their share of tragedy. It is quite remarkable for eighteenth-century Europe that in a family of sixteen children only three did not survive infancy. Another scourge was to visit the Austrian royal family repeatedly – that of smallpox. Six members of Antoine’s immediate family contracted the disease at one time or another during the late 1750s and 1760s, including the Empress herself. This spurred Maria Theresa to mount an inoculation campaign in Vienna, and both Antoine and her younger brother Maximilian received the new procedure which involved introducing biological material from people infected with the virus. This early vaccine method was exponentially more dangerous than modern methods, but luckily, both children survived, and without scarring. Three of Antoine’s older siblings, Charles, Maria Johanna, and Maria Josepha, died of the smallpox virus during the 1760s. The family suffered another cruel blow with the sudden death of Emperor Francis I in August of 1765, from either a stroke or a heart attack. Empress Maria Theresa was devastated, going at once into deepest mourning. She wore only widow’s black for the rest of her life. Nine-year-old Antoine was as shattered as the rest of the family. Legend has it that prior to his final departure for Innsbruck, he bid his family farewell but turned back on impulse to embrace his youngest daughter once more. Francis I died just days later in his carriage while returning from the Opera. In a memorandum to his will, he admonished his children to be careful on whom they bestowed their friendship, and not to be too hasty to place their trust in others. He further enjoined them to avoid gambling and other dissolute behaviours. Those with the benefit of hindsight might claim that all of this was good advice for young Antoine, and many historical commentators have condemned her for seeming to have ignored it in the ensuing years. In April of 1770, an anxious fourteen-year-old Antoine said farewell to her family, her friends, and her country. Her mother urged her to conform herself to her new husband and his family, and to use all of her charm and amiability to win the favour of the French court. “Do so much good to the French people,” she wrote, “that they can say that I have sent them an angel.” King Louis XV and her fiancée, the Dauphin Louis, met Antoine’s carriage at Compiegne, near the Austrian border with France. Before being presented to her new family, Antoine first went through a ritualistic change of attire which was entirely symbolic. On an island in the Rhine River, the traditional border between Austria and France, Antoine’s attendants helped her remove all of her clothing and jewelry brought from Austria, and dressed her in French garments and jewels, despite the fact that the grand court costume she had been wearing previously was also designed in the French style, the most popular fashion in Europe. Maria Antonia, Madame Antoine, the Hapsburg princess of Austria, was no more. She was now to be known as Marie Antoinette, Madame le Dauphine, a French princess. Apprehensive and immediately homesick, she wept as her Austrian attendants bid her farewell, but tried to collect herself sufficiently to be presented to King Louis and her fiancée, the Dauphin. Maria Theresa and Antoine’s eldest brother Joseph, the new Holy Roman Emperor, had impressed upon her the great importance of Austria’s alliance with France. The knowledge that responsibility for nurturing the tenuous new alliance rested with her must have been daunting indeed. On the eighteenth of May, 1770, Marie Antoinette and Louis-Auguste de Bourbon were married in the royal chapel at Versailles. If his bride was nervous, Louis, who was just a year older at fifteen, was equally so. Observers noted that his posture remained stiff throughout the service and that his hands shook as he placed the ring on his bride’s finger. Sadly, their apprehension was warranted. Their first several years of marriage would be strained and difficult and would have a lasting impact on their public reputations. At first, Marie Antoinette was dazzled by the grandeur and magnificence of the French court. Versailles had become the gold standard for palaces in Europe and was endlessly copied by other European royals. In fact, Schönbrunn Palace in Antoine’s native Vienna was constructed very much like a miniature Versailles, but the princess was impressed by the scale and exquisite detail of the original. She quickly learned that fashion, aesthetic appeal, refinement, wit, and charm were key to earning the admiration of the French aristocracy and royal court and accordingly set out to please, determined to be the most fashionable, charming, and sought after woman in France. Marie Antoinette was initially quite a success at Versailles. King Louis XV took an instant liking to her for her warmth, vivaciousness, and impressive musicianship. Because the King liked her, the Dauphine’s early experiences at the French court were promising, and it may have been King Louis’ favour which kept certain criticism of the young princess in check for a time. Despite the admiration which her beauty and youthful energy inspired, she was still just a young teenager and ill-trained for the role at which she was immediately expected to excel. Like many fourteen-year-olds might have done, she mishandled relationships with several important political figures at court, including “Les Tantes,” the King’s elderly sisters who considered themselves the arbiters of conduct at the French court. Marie Antoinette was taken aback by the utter lack of privacy involved in being a member of the French royal family. Having grown up accustomed to a clear distinction between public, political spaces and private spaces enjoyed only by family members, she was horrified to find that she was virtually never permitted to be alone, or to carry out the minutest personal tasks for herself. Her resistance to royal protocol and her sometimes open mockery of it made her husband’s elderly great-aunts dislike her. Additionally, she managed to alienate courtiers from powerful aristocratic families when she removed them from her household service in favour of younger, livelier others whom she liked better. Marie Antoinette also made an enemy of Madame du Barry, the King’s official mistress, whom she refused even to politely acknowledge during her first months at Versailles. Moreover, most of King Louis’ advisors had opposed an Austrian match for the Dauphin, and distrusted the princess on general principle. Those at Versailles who feared the potential influence she might exert over the Dauphin on Austria’s behalf scathingly nicknamed her: “the Austrian.” Sadly, Marie Antoinette’s new husband had been firmly indoctrinated by his tutors with this same suspicious distrust of both the Austrian alliance and his new bride, making an already difficult marriage between two young and inexperienced teenagers more complicated still. Louis-Auguste de Bourbon and Marie Antoinette were as different from one another as two people could possibly be. They were both blue-eyed, and her ash-blonde hair was just a few shades darker than his, but that was where their similarities ended. Where she was lively and extroverted, he was shy and awkward. He struggled with indecision while she was resolute and quick to act. He loved to read, a pastime she had never enjoyed. Even his great height contrasted sharply with her slight stature, for Louis stood six feet four inches tall, which was quite impressive for eighteenth-century France. Although he admitted privately that he eventually came to love his wife, after a fashion, and did indeed find her beautiful, he continually refused to consummate the marriage, a state of affairs which remained unchanged for the first seven years of their union. The initial lack of consummation is hardly surprising considering the extreme youth of the bride and groom who were only fourteen and fifteen years old respectively. Since sexual matters were rarely discussed, even amongst family members, when the young couple were left alone on their wedding night, they likely did not know what to do. They were almost certainly terribly nervous, and had only just met one another a few days before. Louis wrote in his diary that he simply went to sleep on his wedding night, as well as the following two nights. With Versailles being the least private place in all France, especially for the royal family, the lack of consummation between the Dauphin and the Dauphine was immediately public knowledge. An unconsummated marriage meant that there was not yet any possibility of royal children and heirs to safeguard the French throne. Since this was an important matter of state, courtiers were quick to bring the news to King Louis XV. The old King was fond of both his grandson and his granddaughter-in-law, and seemed to show some understanding. He insisted that no one should try to press the issue with the Dauphin, and expressed confidence that the young couple would settle into their marriage in time. Empress Maria Theresa was not nearly as patient with what she viewed as her daughter’s mistakes and shortcomings. The correspondence between Maria Theresa and Marie Antoinette during her first several years at Versailles strongly highlights the difficult relationship between mother and daughter. Kept well informed by her spies at Versailles, the Empress constantly criticized Antoine for alienating members of the French court, for her excessively luxurious and extravagant lifestyle, and most of all, for failing to cajole or entice her husband into finally consummating the marriage. Maria Theresa scolded her daughter for allowing herself to become the focus of French tabloid gossip for her frivolity and flightiness. She castigated Antoine for failing to pursue self-improvement, encouraged her to read more, and warned her that she did not have the intelligence, the talent, the culture, or the character to withstand the much worse criticism the Empress believed would certainly follow. Marie Antoinette often responded defensively to these letters, expressed sorrow and hurt that her mother should believe the worst about her, and assured Maria Theresa that she did indeed have the best interests of France and the Austrian alliance at heart. As her mother predicted, it did not take very long for Marie Antoinette to develop a reputation for frivolous extravagance. Historians and biographers have speculated that her ostentatious and decadent tastes which she had developed in the early years of her marriage, especially after she became Queen, were partly an attempt to compensate for her unhappiness. Not only did she remain physically unfulfilled but also emotionally distanced from her husband, who persisted for several years in wariness of his wife and suspicion for her Austrian loyalties. On the tenth of May 1774, King Louis XV succumbed to smallpox, dying in his bed at Versailles at the age of sixty-four. He was highly unpopular towards the end of his reign and few besides his grandson seemed to mourn him in any genuine fashion. The French people now looked to Louis XVI with both hope and optimism. The new King was young, just nineteen, and while he did not have the panache or the commanding presence of his grandfather, Louis XV, or his third-great grandfather, Louis XIV, he was perceived to be a kind, genuine, bright, and conscientious young man, all promising qualities for a potentially great and fair ruler. Queen Marie Antoinette was initially quite popular with the French people as well, renowned for her beauty, style, and charm. But four more years passed without a consummation of the royal marriage. And the longer the situation remained unchanged, the more the public image of the King and Queen began to suffer. Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette grew even further apart as husband and wife after they ascended the French throne. Louis rose early, attended to the business of the day, and went to bed early. Antoine, on the other hand, loved to stay up late and rarely rose earlier than ten or eleven in the morning. He enjoyed reading, riding, and hunting and tended to be shy and soft-spoken in company. She loved the gaiety and distraction of evenings in Paris, attending the theater, the Opera, or masked balls. She spent lavishly on fabulous clothes and jewelry, wearing wigs as high as three feet tall, often dressed with towering poufs of netting and plumes of feathers. She adored gambling and frequently lost exorbitant sums at Paris’s gaming tables. This behavior earned her the very uncomplimentary nickname of “Madame Deficit” among the French public, who were becomingly increasingly convinced that her spending was contributing as much as anything to France’s economic problems. If Marie Antoinette was compensating for loneliness and unfulfillment in her marriage, then perhaps Louis was doing the same. After he became King, Louis gifted his wife with the estate known as Le Petit Trianon in the grounds of Versailles, which had once belonged to Louis XV’s official mistress, Madame de Pompadour. Knowing that Marie Antoinette found the total lack of privacy at Versailles tiresome and confining, Louis gave her the estate as her private haven. She could receive only those whom she wished to invite and she could renovate and improve the house and grounds at her pleasure. The King also regularly settled all of his wife’s considerable debts quietly and without censuring her. It is possible that a sense of guilt may have played a role in Louis’ remarkable indulgence of his Queen’s every whim. In the summer of 1777, Antoine’s elder brother, Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II, visited France quietly and unofficially on his mother’s behalf to ascertain the health of the French-Austrian alliance and in particular his sister’s troubling marriage. He and Louis apparently got on well, so much so, that Louis took Joseph into his confidence about his sexual problems. Historians long supposed that Louis XVI might have had some sort of physical condition which made sexual activity unpleasant or painful, such as phimosis. The theory that the King underwent circumcision to address such a condition has been mostly rejected by more recent historians. Rather, they point to the letters that Joseph II wrote to his mother and brother Leopold, which indicate that Louis’ sexual impediments were psychological, and probably arose from embarrassment at his lack of knowledge and experience, and from an intense anxiety or fear of sex itself. It did not help the situation that her husband’s reluctance in the marriage bed made Antoine frustrated, resentful, and far less willing to attempt any supportive persuasion. Joseph’s visit and interventions between the King and Queen of France did after all bear fruit, so to speak. A few weeks after his departure for Vienna, Marie Antoinette happily informed her mother in a letter that after seven years, her marriage had been quote “finally and perfectly consummated. I do not think I am pregnant yet,” she wrote, “but at least have the hope of being so very soon.” The Queen was right. The following year, on the nineteenth of December 1778, Marie Antoinette gave birth to her first child, a girl whom she named Marie Therèse Charlotte, after her mother and her favourite sister. The birth of a child and the progress they had made in their marriage, helped the King and Queen build a closer, more trusting relationship. And although their first child was not a son, the royal family enjoyed a rise in popularity for a time. The birth of a daughter meant that there might soon be a Dauphin for France as well. One hundred or more years earlier, these developments might have been enough to improve political stability and reduce criticism of the monarchy, but France in the mid-to-late eighteenth century was undergoing dramatic social, political, and ideological changes, teetering on the cusp of a new world whose values were utterly incompatible with the traditional images and prerogatives of royalty. Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette had both been raised in the rarified atmosphere of the European royalty. Neither one of them knew anything about how the people of their countries lived and remained almost completely insulated from the deep cracks forming in the bedrock of French society. But France’s strictly hierarchical and deeply unequal social system was subjected to intense economic pressure during the mid-to-late eighteenth century, largely thanks to the costs of war. France’s conflicts with her European neighbours during the previous few decades and Louis XVI’s generous support of the American Revolution with the aim of weakening Britain, had pushed the French treasury to the very brink of financial ruin. At the same time, the French people were suffering through periodic waves of hunger due to multiple consecutive poor harvests. High food prices and persistently high taxes caused alarming bouts of civil unrest as enraged and desperate people struggled simply to house and feed their families. In addition to these serious structural problems, the ideas of the Enlightenment had begun to thoroughly permeate French society, making republican sympathizers out of some aristocrats, many members of the bourgeoisie, and of working-class people alike. Inspired by the American Revolution and by the increasingly valued notions of government accountability, the abolition of noble privilege, and the intrinsic rights held by each individual person, the ideas of philosophes and revolutionaries threatened the power and legitimacy of the French monarchy at the moment of its greatest weakness. Marie Antoinette gave birth to three more children during the 1780s, a Dauphin for France in December 1781, christened Louis Joseph Xavier Francois, and two more children, Louis Charles in March 1785, and Marie Sophie Hélène Béatrix in July of 1786. Despite the appearance of greater stability and domesticity within the royal family, the public reputations of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette continued to decline. The years during which their marriage had remained unconsummated had taken their toll on the public perceptions of both the King and the Queen. Louis was perceived as weak, ineffective, and his sexual shortcomings were equated with an inability to govern competently. The Queen was viewed as domineering, greedy, and exploitative of her husband’s weakness. In the scurrilous libelles, or scandal sheets circulating throughout France, Louis XVI was sometimes depicted as a castrated pig, smiling dumbly and lazily. Marie Antoinette was often lampooned in the tabloids for her luxurious extravagance and suspected political domination of her husband on Austria’s behalf. But more than this, the public attacks launched against the Queen in the libelles tended to be sexual in nature, and they became increasingly darker, more obscene, and more threatening the closer France came to the 1789 Revolutionary watershed. During the years in which her marriage had remained unconsummated, rumours had begun to circulate that she must have enjoyed many, even countless lovers. This is highly unlikely, but some historians now believe there is sufficient proof to confirm that Marie Antoinette had at least one intimate love affair during her marriage, with the Swedish Count Axel von Fersen. The Count was handsome, dashing, an adventurer who, upon his return from fighting the British in the American Revolution, devoted himself to Marie Antoinette, remaining her closest advisor and friend. Fersen was a frequent guest at Le Petit Trianon during the 1780s, and the Queen gave him the bedchamber just above hers. It is perhaps worth noting that her husband, Louis XVI, is believed to have never spent even one night at Le Petit Trianon, although he occasionally spent the day there with his family, at his wife’s invitation. Traditionally, historians have reserved judgment about the nature of the relationship between Count Fersen and Marie Antoinette due to the fact that the majority of their correspondence has either been lost, purposely destroyed, or heavily redacted later on. However, in 2016, historians working in French and Swedish archives claimed to have found and finally decoded multiple letters which verify that Fersen and the Queen were indeed intimately involved and deeply in love for many years. Because of the existing public stain on her moral virtue, becoming a mother did nothing to repair the Queen’s reputation. Her detractors were quick to suggest that none of her children, not even the Dauphin, were fathered by the King. Although Le Petit Trianon was meant to be a haven of freedom from the court for Marie Antoinette, she probably did not realize that her activities there did much to undermine her reputation. Queens of France did not traditionally enjoy privacy, the pursuit of which only gave the public reason to believe that the Queen might have something to hide. Sexual immorality was the vice most often imagined. However, the way that the Queen renovated the property was also controversial. She spent extravagantly to create a rustic farm retreat on the estate, even hiring a peasant family to tend livestock and produce food. Meanwhile she, her friends, and her children, dressed in simple white muslin, lounged over picnics, and acted in amateur theatricals together, in which they played peasant roles such as milkmaids and shepherdesses. The idea of the Queen spending huge amounts of money play-acting at being a peasant while the real people at the bottom of France’s social ladder were starving, seemed an example of cruel ignorance and disregard for all but royal whim and consequence. Marie Antoinette likely never thought about how her actions appeared to others, until it was too late. Following the birth of her children, Marie Antoinette began to withdraw from the social whirl which had characterized her first years as Dauphine and Queen of France, but it did little to repair her extremely negative public image. She began to take a more active interest and role in politics and Louis seemed increasingly open to her advice, particularly surrounding bureaucratic and military appointments. Her tendency to intercede for Austria however, did nothing to endear her to those at court who had always distrusted the Austrian alliance. Additionally, she was seen far less often in Parisian ballrooms or at gaming tables, and had begun to show much more restraint in her fashion choices and a more economical approach to her demands on the treasury. But many of these efforts were too little too late. The period between 1787 and 1789 featured a confluence of economic and public relations disasters which led France’s monarchy, the oldest in Europe, to the very edge of collapse. 1787 was a difficult year for Marie Antoinette and Louis XVI. Madame Sophie, their infant daughter, succumbed to tuberculosis at just eleven months old. A few months later, the Queen, still mourning her daughter, was approached by the Parisian jewelers Boehmer and Bassenge and offered the chance to purchase a fabulous diamond necklace, originally made for Louis XV’s mistress, Madame du Barry. It featured a staggering six hundred and forty-seven diamonds of incredible clarity and cut and would be worth approximately seven million euros, or eight million US dollars today. The Queen admired the necklace but promptly declined to buy it. When a group of thieves hatched a conspiracy to steal the necklace, they duped a gullible aristocratic Cardinal into believing that Marie Antoinette wished him to quietly buy the necklace for her and that she would reimburse him later. Desperate to rise in the Queen’s favour, the Cardinal eagerly consented. When the money became due, the King and Queen were outraged. Two of the thieves had fled with the necklace, which, of course, they never delivered to Marie Antoinette, and Louis XVI ordered the Cardinal’s arrest as a co-conspirator. Since the Cardinal came from one of France’s most powerful noble families, it is hardly surprising that the Parlement of judges, who were also overwhelmingly aristocratic, found him not guilty on all counts. Marie Antoinette was devastated. The proclamation of the Cardinal’s innocence implied that the theft must have been the Queen’s fault for coveting the necklace, and indeed, the Affaire de Collier de la Reine, or the Affair of the Queen’s Necklace, as the debacle became known, did more than anything else to destroy her reputation. During the period between 1787 and 1789, the mental and physical health of Louis XVI began to deteriorate. He confronted stress by drinking heavily and overeating. He lapsed more and more frequently into bouts of crippling depression. Out of necessity, Marie Antoinette now became more directly involved in French politics and exercised more power than she ever had before. With her husband on the verge of a nervous breakdown, she began to attend King’s council meetings where Louis’ chief ministers struggled to address the economic crisis threatening to bankrupt France. She was, unfortunately, ill-prepared to step into such a role and knew little about politics or economics. Still, her actions demonstrate a determination to hold her family and the French monarchy together. Having had role models like her mother, Marie Antoinette perhaps could not help but believe it her duty to rise to the occasion. She was instrumental in the appointment and dismissal of several finance ministers, each, for various reasons, unable to find a way out of the debt crisis, which was slowly crushing the country. Efforts were made to enlist the help of France’s nobles, but not enough of them were willing to give up their trade monopolies or tax exemptions to help rescue the economy. Finally, in desperation, the King called a meeting of the Estates-General, the closest thing to a Parliament or national legislature that France had ever had. Louis’ summoning of the Estates-General was quite unprecedented. Representatives of the three “estates” of French society: the clergy, the nobility, and the common people, had not met since 1614. Because the participants were pursuing such different goals during the proceedings of the Estates-General, nothing was accomplished. The Third Estate, representing the overwhelming majority of the French people, advocated for the creation of a constitutional French republic while neither Louis XVI nor Marie Antoinette could ever imagine sharing power with elected politicians. The conservative nobility defended their traditional privileges while numerous others demanded solutions to France’s bread crisis, which was starving the urban and rural poor alike. The talks went nowhere. A month after the opening of the Estates-General, on the fourth of June, 1789, the seven-year-old Dauphin died of tuberculosis. Because all France was preoccupied with the next meeting of the Estates-General, there was little public discussion or acknowledgement of the royal family’s loss. Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette were devastated. “My poor little boy is dead,” the Queen wrote just days later, “and the nation hardly seemed to notice.” On the twentieth of June, when the King and Queen were still in mourning for their son, representatives of the Third Estate arrived at Versailles to find the door to their meeting room locked. Believing that the King had ordered them locked out, they moved instead to a nearby tennis court, where they collectively declared themselves France’s National Assembly and vowed not to disband until they had formulated a constitution. The newly-formed National Assembly began at once to propose, debate, and institute reforms. Alarmed about the way these developments continued to proceed without the sanction of the monarchy, Marie Antoinette convinced the King to move a contingent of Swiss troops closer to Paris. This led to riots in the city as the fearful populace wondered if their own government would launch an attack against them, and against the changes proceeding in the National Assembly. On the fourteenth of July, the rage boiled over resulting in the storming of the ancient fortress known as the Bastille, the release of its prisoners, the raid of its armoury, and the murder of the prison’s governor. Paris had exploded into chaos and violence. At two o’clock in the morning, the King was abruptly awakened at Versailles and informed that the Bastille had been taken. “Is it a revolt?” the King asked. “No sire,” came the reply. “It is a revolution.” After the fall of the Bastille, royal authority quickly unraveled. A “great fear” rose among aristocrats across the country that further uprisings of the people were imminent, and many began to quietly leave France. Most of the extended royal family and many high-ranking courtiers departed Versailles in the following days. Marie Antoinette was also strongly in favour of flight, but when Louis XVI stated firmly that he would not consider leaving, she resolutely decided to remain at the side of her husband and children. Events began to move more swiftly in the coming months. The National Assembly worked tirelessly to enact their new constitution and reforms, but the far more urgent food crisis was causing unrest all over France. On the fifth of October, rumours were circulating in Paris about a grand banquet being given at Versailles for the high-ranking members of the King’s Swiss guard. Anger exploded among the women in the street markets of the city: why should there be feasting and plenty at Versailles while bread remained unaffordable for most Parisians and their own children starved? Armed with knives, pitchforks, cleavers, clubs, whatever they could lay their hands on, several hundred women marched toward Versailles to demand bread. They were joined by a great many other men and women later in the day, and in their numbers, they overwhelmed the palace guards. A mob rampaged through Versailles directly toward Marie Antoinette’s bedchamber, killing two of her guards. She heard them coming and escaped through a secret door just seconds before they burst in, and fled to her husband’s bedchamber. Howling with rage to find her gone, the mob destroyed the Queen’s bed. The Marquis de Lafayette arrived just in time at the head of the National Guard to restore order at Versailles. That night, Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette, and their two children departed the palace for the last time, never to return. They were escorted by the mob and members of the National Guard to the Tuileries Palace in the center of Paris where they could be more closely watched and guarded. The enormous pressure under which the royal family now found themselves had opposite effects on Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette. Louis slipped deeper into his depression and indecision while his wife became more motivated to action than she had ever been before. The next two years saw an extraordinary learning and maturation process for the Queen, who found that it had now fallen to her to hold the monarchy together if at all possible. Since the death of her son a few months before, she seemed to have grown up overnight. And in the coming months, she would play the dangerous game of double agent. On the one hand, she worked closely with members of the National Assembly, and later, France’s Legislative and Constituent Assemblies to influence policy. It was largely thanks to Marie Antoinette’s intervention that Louis XVI retained his power to declare war and veto legislation. Despite her perception of France’s new political powerbrokers as a “pack of madmen,” she tried to work with republicans like the Comte de Mirabeau, the mayor of Paris, Jean Sylvain Bailly, and the Marquis de Lafayette, whom she despised as much as he loathed her. But at the same time as she collaborated with the leaders of the Revolution, earning their respect for her determination, bravery, intelligence, and dignity, she also stayed up late night after night, secretly writing coded letters to monarchist allies throughout Europe, particularly to her family in Austria. She covertly kept these contacts informed of developments in France. It is unclear now exactly what her ultimate intentions were, but she appeared determined to keep channels of potential escape open, and also, perhaps, the possibility of one day re-taking France from the Revolutionaries. It is possible that Marie Antoinette and Louis XVI might have been able to rise to the challenge of a constitutional monarchy. But there was little they could do about the deep divisions which were forming among Revolutionary leaders and among the people of France in general. No longer content with a constitutional monarchy and the end of noble and clerical privilege, many were now in favour of dispensing with both the monarchy and the Church altogether. After the death of Mirabeau, her greatest ally among the Revolutionary leaders, Marie Antoinette began to contemplate escape from France more seriously. The Revolution was radicalizing more every day. The Queen managed to convince her husband to flee before their freedom of movement was restricted any further and escape became impossible. Late at night on the fourteenth of June, 1791, the royal family slipped quietly into a carriage outside the Tuileries palace. Less than an hour later, they had escaped Paris and were on their way to the Austrian border with Count Axel Fersen, who had helped Marie Antoinette orchestrate their escape, driving the carriage. Once they were far enough from Paris, Louis ordered the Count to leave, ostensibly because he did not want to seem to be accepting the assistance of a foreigner to flee France. However, it is just as likely that he was eager to send his wife’s lover away for his own peace of mind. The royal family made it as far as Varennes, where Louis, who had stepped out of the carriage for only a moment, was recognized by the local postmaster. Incredibly, the man had only ever seen the King’s face on his coinage. It is a testament to how poorly executed the escape was, that Louis was recognized. Their carriage, clothing, and luggage were too luxurious and expensive, and worse, when their belongings were searched, the King’s royal regalia and crown were found as well. Now truly prisoners, reviled by their own people who believed that they would have brought Austrian armies to invade France, the royal family were escorted by the National Guard back to Paris. The crowds lining the route of their carriage were eerily silent, on pain of death from General Lafayette, but watched the King and Queen pass with hostile, accusing eyes. The following year saw the Revolution become more radical still as the Jacobins rose to power. Marie Antoinette made a final attempt to work for the promotion of the constitutional monarchy, notably by establishing a correspondence and policy collaboration with Antoine Barnave, probably the most moderate and influential member of the Constituent Assembly at that time. However, by April, France had declared war on Austria. The mood in Paris grew more tense and combative through the summer. Fear of an Austrian invasion to restore the monarchy spurred an attack on the Tuileries palace. By September, the Assembly had abolished the monarchy. Only weeks later, there was a citywide massacre of all royalists, suspected sympathizers, and counter-revolutionaries then being held in Paris’s jails. The royal family was moved to much more secure and heavily guarded quarters in the fortress known as the Temple. The family had a few months of peace together, but in December, the former Louis XVI, now known as “Citizen Louis Capet,” was put on trial for treason. He was found guilty and sentenced to be executed by guillotine in January 1793. He was permitted to say a private goodbye to his family before going to his execution the next day with dignity and quiet courage. The loss of her husband made Marie Antoinette cleave all the closer to her children, but within a few months, her son Louis-Charles and her eldest daughter Marie-Therese, were taken away from her also. The Dauphin was viewed as a serious threat, a potential king-in-waiting. His jailers subjected the seven-year-old prince to terrible emotional and physical abuse, doing everything possible to indoctrinate him with the ideals of the Revolution. Marie Antoinette’s daughter would eventually escape to Austria, but poor Louis-Charles would die in the Temple, of tubercular fever at the age of ten. Marie Antoinette was now entirely bereft and on the eve of the announcement that she would be put on trial for treason, she was moved to a bare, squalid, dark cell in the dilapidated fortress known as the Conciergerie. Marie Antoinette’s trial was a farce. She was accused of conspiring with Austria against France, of careless profligacy with the country’s treasury, and of moral and sexual degeneration. It is now known that the Queen did indeed regularly provide intelligence to Austria and to other European allies, but at the time of her trial, there was absolutely no evidence that she had. Lacking any concrete evidence, the proceedings turned into a rehashing of all the baseless rumours which had been published about her in the scandal sheets over the years. Her judges even tried to add an accusation of incest to the list of charges. Louis-Charles’ jailers had somehow coerced him to accuse his own mother of molesting him. When asked why she did not respond to the charge, Marie Antoinette replied stonily: “Nature refuses to answer such a charge brought against a mother. I appeal in this matter to all the mothers present in the court.” There was an abashed and shameful silence, and then several women called out to her in sympathy and support. The judges pursued the incest charge no further, but found Marie Antoinette guilty of treason nonetheless. When asked if she had anything to say, she replied: “I was a Queen and you took away my crown, a wife and you took away my husband, a mother and you took away my children. My blood alone remains. Take it if you wish, but do not make me suffer long.” On the morning of the sixteenth of October, 1793, Marie Antoinette changed from her one remaining black dress into one of shabby white, brought to her by her jailers. Her hands were bound behind her and she was led from her cell in the Conciergerie to the courtyard where a small open cart waited. As it wound slowly through the streets of Paris, the crowds jeered and shouted obscenities at the still, silent figure in white. She looked decades older than her thirty-eight years, but kept her head up and her bearing and expression dignified. Journalists who turned out to watch Marie Antoinette’s execution, later wrote, that she bore herself with all the unapologetic haughtiness of the most unrepentant criminal. Yet, if she had wept and wailed and begged for her life, the same commentators likely would have denigrated her for being a coward. The Queen went to her death with incredible courage. Up on a platform in the middle of the Place de la Révolution, the guillotine stood waiting, surrounded by a crush of people noisily exhorting Marie Antoinette to her execution. She climbed the few steps without faltering or hesitating and accidentally trod on the executioner’s foot. The last words she spoke seemed to encapsulate everything she had experienced from the day she had arrived in France to this terrible final moment. “Pardon me sir,” she said quietly. “I did not do it on purpose.” Resolutely, she knelt before the block. The blade fell. There was an eerie silence for an instant, and then a roar as the executioner held up the Queen’s head before the baying crowd. For more than a century following her death, Marie Antoinette’s legacy had been one of unapologetic and luxurious excess, of completely tone-deaf conduct and governance, and disregard for the suffering of others. These charges are merited to a certain extent, especially if one considers what it cost France to support the royal family in the decadent style in which they had always lived. It is true that as Queen, she had made many mistakes, but more and more historians in recent decades have begun to rehabilitate her image and to assert that she did not deserve what happened to her. She had been ill-prepared and ill-trained to fill the role that had been thrust upon her when she was little more than a child, nothing more than a pawn on her mother’s dynastic chessboard. She had done what she believed was expected of her as Queen of France, but being completely insulated from the changing world outside Versailles, she had no idea that such a thing as public sentiment was now powerful enough to destroy her. She had been a scapegoat, and it was a testament to the deep and dark streak of misogyny running through French society that people could believe that her supposed greed, sexual voraciousness, and domination of her husband had been solely responsible for the King’s weakness, his failure to embrace the Revolution, and for France’s collapse. As tragic as it was, the execution of Louis XVI made a terrible kind of sense in the context of the Revolution – as long the King remained alive, there would be plots to restore him to the throne and the new constitutional French republic would never be safe. Yet, it is difficult to view the execution of Marie Antoinette as similarly necessary. All authority had been vested in Louis, not his Queen. She had no power any longer to pose a threat to the Revolutionaries who held her prisoner. Rather than an act of justice, Marie Antoinette’s sham trial and execution resembles an act of public rage. Far more than the King, it was she who was the most hated person in France, regardless of what could or could not be proven about her. Very few of the accusations leveled against her in the libelles and the public rumour mill had any basis in fact, not even the most famous misquote from the Queen: “Let them eat cake,” as she was believed to have replied when told that the French had no bread to eat. Marie Antoinette’s execution was a symbolic sacrifice to the Revolution. Her blood would be an expiation – to show that, for France, there could be no going back. What do you think of Marie Antoinette? Was she truly a doomed woman, caught in historical circumstances which she could never have controlled? Did she waste opportunities to work with reformers and help keep the Revolution moderate or was the fall of France’s monarchy, the radicalization of the Revolution, and the coming of the Terror, all inevitable? Please let us know what you think in the comments section. And as always, thank you very much for watching!
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Channel: The People Profiles
Views: 1,785,443
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Keywords: Biography, History, Historical, Educational, The People Profiles, Biography channel, the biography channel, biography channel, biography documentary channel, biography tv, biography documentary, biography a&e, biography channel documentary, bio, biography full episode, full biography, biography full documentary, life story, biography of famous people, mini biography, history, full documentary biography, biography series on tv, full episode
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Length: 64min 55sec (3895 seconds)
Published: Fri Mar 25 2022
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