Identifying the Post-Babel Dispersion - Dr. Doug Petrovich (Conf Lecture)

okay so we're going to talk about the post Babel dispersion and really has a preface to this I want to take you back to of course I studied in the University of Toronto men ph.d program I basically was coerced into this by my adviser to take a year-long course in Mesopotamian archeology which was on the heels of his promise selected instead to both of those credits to an independent study in late bronze age archaeology of the Levant where Israel is so because of his last-minute request / requirement I had to take the course but I did so trusting that this was of the Lord and there's almost not a day that goes by that I don't consciously thank him or think about how grateful I am that he allowed me to take that course because it really opened up my eyes to an area of archaeology that as Christians we often forget about or deprioritize when in fact the whole story of Israel is rooted first in Mesopotamia so because that's the birthplace of civilization it's something that we should know about just as well I think as we know about the land in Israel itself so with that as a preface this is a ok this is a painting by an unknown Flemish painter of the 16th century and this gives you a window into his world much more so probably than the world of ancient Babylon why well in his world buildings especially taller buildings were built in a circular fashion so they conceived of the Tower of Babel being a series of circles that just go up and up and up and up so reality of course is going to prove to be much different because again the world of ancient Navajo is very different than the world of the Flemish painter of the 16th century so our goal is to try to understand what this to look like well before we can focus on the tower in the city we have to focus on identifying this period argot archaeologically and that wait for that what we need to draw our attention to is not the architecture it's not trying to find the city at first but the very movement of people that can be traced archaeologically because you can't hide archeology cannot allow you to hide cultures of people unless of course it's something like the nomads or simin semi-nomadic people who are wandering around in caravans and use nothing but ends but sedentary life characterized by the building of communities whether in small towns villages or large cities it's going to leave behind a footprint and when that footprint is examined we can determine a lot of things about those people so as as background first we want to start with a biblical passage going back to Genesis 11 1 & 2 and then verse 4 and here's my translation it says now all the earth have one language and the words were common ones now that statement right there it acts as an introduction to the events that are going to unfold that's an introductory statement all the earth had one language is giving you background and then he's saying their words were common ones so when they spoke to each other it didn't have the problem of the language barrier that we have today I just went to Israel I couldn't communicate with a lot of the people who were visiting there because they spoke languages I could not speak but this was a time where there was one universal language and then in light of that he's going to begin the narrative now and he says so it came to pass with their moving from the east that they found a plain in the land of Shinar and they settled there one misconception that Christians Andina Christians often carry with them as bad baggage is that all of the earth humanity had assembled at one place I have news for you that's a great idea but the Bible never says that it doesn't say they assembled in one place it says they all that all the earth had one language and their words were common words then into the narrative so it came to pass with their moving from the east that they found this plain and it's just incidental information important to a later narrative but incidental information that they all spoke the same language there was one language but it doesn't say they all assembled in one place we often read things into the text assume them to be true and build a platform around it and this is one of those cases where we we make a mistake so they came from the east which means they moved westward from the east and easterly direction so being that the land of Shinar as it says is the land of Sumerian Akkadian which we know as Sumer and we know that to be in southern Mesopotamia their point of origin had to be to the east of this so probably it was actually to the north and the east and that that's typically how the biblical writers were talk even as early as Moses later invasions of Israel and of Jerusalem are talked about is from the east when in fact they actually came from the north directly but it's just that they came they traveled west first and then south so that kind of description is used in the Bible of someone who comes from ultimately the West but usually is attacking from north to south and such as the case here probably with Mesopotamia so it would have been to the probably to the north east of the southern part of Mesopotamia then they said come let us build for ourselves a city and a tower or platform either way in the Hebrew with its top in the scar and most English Bibles have the word heavens here I don't like that word because the word heavens is confusing because it can either be talking about the abode of God or it can be talking about the deep dark black of the cosmos which we'll get into when we look at day one of creation in another session or it could be talking about the bright blue sky that we see during the daytime as we look up such as now looking out the window so so that there's not confusion I think the best way to render that Ebru word is to interpret it in its context and give the meaning that's that's connected there so it's tower wasn't up in the abode of God that's not the point it's not that it was miles up in you know into the air or all the way into the you know the outside the atmosphere that's not the point that the biblical writers making it's that they built this tower high into the sky that's the point and it's a it's made as a point because it was significant in its time there wasn't something like this before it was built as high as this one now if you look at the skyscrapers of today in Chicago or New York or or Dubai you know that those are really tall skyscrapers there's no way that this structure at the Tower of Babel would have been anywhere approaching the height of a building such as that so we can't get too caught up on how high was it that's really not the point the point is that it was higher than anything they had built before in their time so it stood out and it was a point worth making so what's my historical observation then the events of Genesis 11 are said to have occurred at the time when the earth had only one language since the historical periods defined by the advent of writing hence when writing first came into existence in the gem debt monster period and since writings Advent post dates the time when there was a universal language the Tower of Babel was built in the pre historical period this is a really important presupposition what am I saying within the ancient languages of of the ancient Near East there is no attestation of one language in among different peoples with different scripts what does that tell us that tells us that there there was no written expression of a universal language there are different languages with different syntaxes different grammatical structures different ways of communicating things and different words altogether so what that tells us is that the is that the confusion of languages had to have taken place before writing came into existence there's really no other possibility a logical possibility so that being the case we need to look before the advent of writing for the time of the Tower of Babel to conclude this observation given that human migration originated from the east historically known in biblical terms as the environments of Mesopotamia some more to the east of Mesopotamia is the place from where they travel clearly they constructed a city and built a tower of the platform that extended to some distance up into the sky and of course we don't worry at this point about how tied that was also by way of background ancient Mesopotamian literature refers to a time when there was a universal language you all know about how many ancient near-eastern especially must became e'en stories of the flood that there were different heroes in some cases different facts in the narrative how we know what took place what what the flood hero did and what he didn't do and what was the moment of divine involvement or all those are different versions of the same flood story but of course the inspired version ends up in the Bible in Genesis 6 great well we also have ancient ëthis nation to this universal language so this is from n mer car and the Lord of errata down to the second paragraph of what I have for you says in those days the mountain lands of shoot war and homicide the mountain of the noble functions a cop my mountain land resting in the Medicus a mountain lander than no minutes the people taken care of gave praise to end live that's the God the Mesopotamian god Enlil how in one tongue that's how they gave praise in one time in those days the contending lord the continuing prince the contending king Enki and he's another important deity he's the god of a freshwater OPSEU which we'll learn about this afternoon the contending lord the contending Prince the contending king the Lord of wisdom the wise one of the country the sage of the gods he changed the language in their mouths you see this ascribing credit to the changing of languages to this important God Wow amazing as many as have been established the language of each one of mankind being one thus ancient sources clearly attest to a single language it's not just the Bible here off on its own and that's really helpful for undergirding the integrity of the biblical narrative so this presents for us a perplexing question especially in the line of archaeology well if the beginning of Genesis 11 applies the world's first example of urbanism and possibly even the first movement toward full-blown centrism that's when you settle down permanently in one location what does archaeology have to say about this major shift of societal patterns and movement toward urbanism this question is especially important since we long have presupposed that the Babylon of the historical period is the same site as the city where the Tower of Babel was corrected so the point is this and it's a question the babylon we know about we see on maps we know it's connected with nevi and his great pride in his attack on the kingdom of Judah and the sixth century BC and his deportation of the Israelites into Babylon all of that is centered around one major city to the realm of its day and that's Babylon of the neo-babylonian empire well is that Babylon the same Babylon or Saint Babel as we read about in Genesis 11 and that's what we're going to solve in this session and the next answer and the 4th millennium BC remarkable changes took place in southern Mesopotamia exceeding any expectations that might have been raised by the achievements of the Ubaid period which is the work immediately before it these innovations which occurred in the aruch and gem Dettman austere periods and agenda an austere period comes after the rout period they constituted what has been called the urban revolution so when does history tell us the urban revolution took place in the room could period that's what it tells us that's what archeology tells us it screams loudly at us that's when urban living beginning you have a central ruler you have an army to protect you have a large population you have mass production you have you have hired scribes all of us these are signs of urbanization and this began in the Eroica period so that was a quote from Michael wrote Mesopotamia and the ancient Near East so my comment is urban isms origin is southern Mesopotamia and the time period of its origin is the Uruk period that it begins is what history tells us this Babylon that is the bad one we know about a epigenesis day is located though in central Mesopotamia not at all the place where this urban revolution began which was in southern Mesopotamia the land known as Sumerian Akkadian and pronounced sumaré by most people today while the problem of an extremely high water table at this Babylon prohibits archaeologists from studying occupational periods there earlier than the second millennium BC surface surveys in Iran Babylon have produced no ceramic or artificial artefactual evidence to suggest that this important seating was even occupied during the gem debt during the Uruk period let alone the earlier baby phase this Babylon sprang up as a small town only during the Jim Det Nasser period serving as a provincial capital during work three that's hundreds of years later and or three in fact that's when Abram was on the earth and he left war during the third dynasty of work at the end of the third millennium BC all of it all of this begs the question of whether the Tower of Babel was located in southern Mesopotamia instead of central Mesopotamia so the the city of Babylon where Nebuchadnezzar ended up ruling that city didn't have its origin until the gem that Nasser period and then it was just a small town it wasn't even a large city it was only during the Akkadian period which which follows the early dynastic period that babylon that we know as babylon is built up and becomes great and an important capital city so the gem that Nasser period when it's a town is the phase after the arun period when urbanism begins you see how this works so there's a problem with traditional Babylon as the babbled of Genesis 11 all right back to the biblical text then he who is that's the Covenant name of God scattered them from there that's the babble of that day where where this tower was built in the confusing of languages took place he scattered them from there over the surface of entire earth and they stopped building the city so my observation is this the end of the Tower of Babel narrative provides valuable information for studying the question of just where this city was located wherever the plain of Shinar and dabble were from there the inhabitants of that city were scattered throughout the known world when their language was confused and they no longer could communicate with one another orally okay so as an archaeologist now I can have something that I can sink my teeth into finding the place from where those people travel radical theories aside such as harbor Mel's conviction that babble is to be found in northeastern Syria which is not a serious view whatsoever scholars at least agree on the location of the Shinar claim and babble being somewhere in Mesopotamia once again archeology is posed with a vital question are there any clear indications of substantial migrations from Mesopotamia into other parts of the ancient Near East well what history tells us is that there were only two such outward expansions or movements of people in the in store in the pre historical period so when I studied Mesopotamian archaeology for a year one of the papers I wrote for my professor was to compare and contrast these two expansions pupate expansion and the aruch expansion I never mentioned the Bible in the paper because I wanted to pass the course we didn't want to fail the paper but I figured this could be really instructive for me and maybe would shed light on this question of what movement of people can we connect to this outward expansion that the Bible talks about when the languages were confused so this gives you a a picture of you a charge of all of the different archaeological periods in ancient is history so I would call this conventional archaeological periodization emphasis on the word conventional these are not my dates these are the dates that are standard in the field you can get the PDF of this document you know how I love my academia.edu webpage you look to sell that to you which is free of course you can download it directly from there I have a chart on the conventional archaeological periodization and you can have your own PDF to go through so looking through these periods from the Middle Paleolithic all the way down we come down to number six that's the UMaine period right now you can dispute the dating on all these periods what you cannot dispute with any integrity is that they were each definable periods that's that is a problem you can't get around so down to that period the Ubaid period in the midst of the Ubaid period there was this first outward expansion from mesopotamia and it was you know what the rabbit out of hat it was from southern mesopotamia so that is a possible expansion we can connect to Genesis 11 we want to put it on trial later well there's a second outward expansion from southern Mesopotamia that's the route expansion that happens in the late Lulu period the third sub phase of the next major phase after the Ubaid period and that expansion also becomes an automatic candidate for this post Babel dispersion because all of this is before the enactment of writing why if you look in red here you can see that straight across from the gem that Nasser period is the official advent of writing this is when the historical period starts so these two outward expansions I of which I've made you aware are both prehistorical so they both fit what we would expect from you know although we read about in Genesis 11 where this this confusion of language seems to have taken place before the advent of writing because we have no examples of this universal language in any written script certainly we should have them in at least two or three languages of that if that's the case to free scripts but we have none so that being the case now we're going to compare and contrast these two expansions and say can one or the other qualify as the post available dispersion so first we look at the earlier of the two the UMaine expansion and I'll once again let the cat out of the bag and give you a summary of this expansion and tell you that it is a peaceful migration and it's characterized by non-intrusive relocation in short to take away all the fun technical terms they were nice to each other okay that's how this one work where did is it does this period come where does this expansion come from again southern Mesopotamia you see the arrow pointing to a site called tel al Bayt there are a number of sites that are clearly manian sites such as Chow al Bayt era do tell Whaley group and tell and care from those two if you if you really know Mesopotamian history well probably arid you in a root guru car the two cities that pop up and have you but there are other sites as well we call tell al made the type site for the Ubaid period because all some phases of this period are viewable are discernible at the site of Khalid a so it becomes the site that kind of acts as a standard to judge into to compare other sites and see when they were occupied in relation to this clearly definable city of the baby some archaeologists and historians such as oats and oats have argued that both expansions can be explained that is the debate expansion in the Guru expansion can be explained as eras of Mesopotamian colonial expansion right we all know about colonialism it's it's not something that is frowned upon and you don't do that anymore the world will come down on you now social meeting which is even more important while Steinem have argued convincingly that each of these two dispersions had a fundamentally different expansionary dynamic marked by strikingly different effects on the social identities of the indigenous groups who participated in these networks so I am in agreement with with Stein and whose ball that these are very different dynamics taking place with each of these expansions the abate expansion took place largely through a peaceful spread of an ideology leading to the formation of numerous new indigenous identities that appropriated and transformed superficial elements of Abady in material culture and to locally distinct expressions now you know how our care archaeologists talk this is an archeology speak right here volumes of its original trade were low and population movements were minimal so they were these were small groups of people not large groups of people small groups and this is much more than trade this is the actual movement of people and there's a difference between the two archaeology can in many cases distinguished between those two models the material cultural assemblage that is what they had in their hands their pottery their tools their weapons their jewelry everything that defined them culturally is who they were that material cultural assemblage of the people from the Ubaid period includes brown painted and reduction fired ceramics made on a slow wheel large baked clay nails and highly distinctive conehead clay figurines nube diem houses had a characteristic tripartite form that's existing in three parts with a t-shaped cruciform or central room the bay period features the earliest appearance and mesopotamia of clearly ritualistic public architecture so now they're becoming more organized or communal in the form of standardized rectangular tempest oriented to the cardinal points on the map and constructed with niched facades buttresses altars and offering tables so religiously they're now beginning to express themselves in an organized way with a central location where the religious activity would take place and which could reflect their belief system well what would you do with within each the facade and basically it needs to facade is it it's a wall let's say you have a you know a building that has four walls - and in one wall and it's usually going to be in the back of the building you push that part of that wall kind of like this and then straighten this right and it and that becomes a niche and in that niche usually you would put a cultic image and that would be the God for example that is the patron god of the site or most important God in the Pantheon or or whatever so that that began to to to be a very important part of the culture of the people during the UMaine period the spread of this median of these debating people's originated from a single identifiable southern Mesopotamian region - meaning outward or North in a northward direction to the northern periphery that's in northern Mesopotamia mainly eventually replacing the proceeding or hollowfy and culture and the Hawaiian culture is what was native to that area in northern Mesopotamia before the O'Banion people came from southern Mesopotamia in the early to mid 50 million BC according to conventional dating the distributions of southern Manian pottery architectural styles and other artefactual classes spread widely beyond the southern alluvium forming a distinctive style that extended across an astonishing distance of 1,800 kilometers from Cilicia on the mediterranean coast of Turkey across southeastern Anatolia northern Syria the rocki Jazeera and into southwestern Iran and down the western shore of the Persian Gulf into modern Saudi Arabia so that's basically all of the main points on the compass people are going to as far as 1800 kilometers away so you can see that this expansion was a significant one it's not just that they moved around the block they traveled a good distance a contextual approach suggests that in most cases obedient culture spread to these areas peacefully through some combination of trade and the local appropriation of Albanian societal identity and ceremonial ideology rather than by actual colonization so this wasn't colonized this wasn't innovating and imposing your culture on another culture it was let's get together let us join your community you welcome us and now we share together and have a reciprocal relationship one that exists on peaceful level that's how it can be characterized moreover you've alien styles of material material culture spread gradually not quickly but gradually and were selectively appropriated by northern communities so it took a good deal of time before the local Hawaiian people accepted the cultural values and the styles and the methods of construction of different things of the people who moved from the south so they kind of tested the waters and looked at how it worked and you know in different ways waited till they had a good feel for it and then they adapted those slowly over time and it probably worked both ways the site of Kappa Goron in northern Iraq provides one of the best datasets with which to understand the nature of the you made expansion the site is a small two and a half hectare mine whose long stratigraphic sequence documents the transition from the whole off period also known as the pre pottery Neolithic B period to the Obaid period so it documents this transition so let's look at the site of cafe Guerra which is a tigress site that's the Tigris River a site along the Tigris River to where these people moved from southern Mesopotamia and you'll see here that it's on the the north eastern side of the Tigris River long ways from Tel Aviv aid which is down here toward the Persian Gulf in short the public and domestic aspects of cultural identity of Peppa Gaara seem to have changed at different rates people quickly appropriated markers of Romanian identity in the public domain especially in context relating to communal affiliation and hierarchical social status interestingly the first markers of philosophy and cultural identity to disappear at if agarra to become replaced by their counterparts from the cities of the southern Mesopotamia were hollowfy and ceramics and household items Wulfric Wulfric lek ting communal affiliation as an aspect of public identity so it was in the public realm where the changes were integrated to quickest rather than the personal or the domestic realm similarly larger highly visible stonemasons badges of rank indicative of obedient public identity also appear at a relatively early date and level 18 however it is significant that the most persistent and long as the hollowfy and artifacts rate of the local people who there were there before the invaders game or them those who move to where they were or smaller sized markers of personal identities such as seals sewn on ornamental studs and tang dependence that they would wear so the inhabitants of kevie Gaara retained a distinctively olofi an identity primarily in the private or domestic drama the last items of southern men southern median material culture to be adopted into epic era where temple architecture and cultic artifacts related to religious ideology so it's interesting that the religious room is the one where the changes took the very longest to make why because of the improbably because of the importance of the native religious practices and thought and ideas and deities and and how they were worshiped there so because of the importance of that to the souls and spirits of the people it took the longest for change to take place in that avenue the alien nature of this obedient ritual innovation suggests that the spread of romanian material culture was gradual and selective rather than a sudden and wholesale replacement expected of a traditional colonization model thus this expansion was not a common ization there's another site that's indicative of the who made expansion and that's de guerre meant FA and this is located in eastern Anatolia another site to where the Indians travel and this is along the Euphrates River all the way up near that the mouth of the river itself so you can see that it's it's even above serious that that far to be to the west and then to the north is it's in the outskirts of modern Turkey ancient Anatolia well in southern Mesopotamia and its vicinity and baby and obedient tripartite houses were built in a free-standing fashion so down in the southern Mesopotamian cities the homeland of the manian people they are contextually expressed their their understanding of monumental architecture by building houses in a free-standing position or fashion so that the houses stood alone it had a gap or separation between them however at bickerman Tembe of distant east nataliya tripartite houses that is once the obedient people moved there and and integrated with the locals they were built continuously in a pattern of adjacent houses with shared walls this reflects a fundamental difference in the cultural construction and meaning of public and private space so I relate this to you know when I grew up in Northeastern Ohio there were no fences or walls between the houses of all the people so if I had a friend four or five doors over I would just run through my yard and the next-door neighbor's yard and the one after that through his yard through all those yards right to my friends back porch and hop on his back porch and knock on his door maybe even just go away without knocking it was a really good friend right that's how I grew up in Ohio when I was 18 I moved to Southern California and everybody had walls around their houses in their property and you you couldn't just scale it you know I mean you'd have to really work to get over that wall and the whole goal of course was you stay in your yard and out stay in my yard so there was a different cultural identity regarding public architecture communal living between Ohio in California it's not that one is inherently bad and one is inherently good they're very very different so this is the idea here in the Iranian culture down in the homeland they wanted their space so you wouldn't build your house with decent amount of space between yourself and your next-door neighbor well up in the north it was different you know they didn't have the same personal boundary issues you know you can be located right up against my wall put your wall on my wall and let's keep building so that's the idea so the southern of Amiens came up to the north they didn't impose their style their cultural value in this way on the local people but they simply adapted their way of constructing architecture according to the local model so this is a a form of this this peaceful coexistence and in a good working relationship between them all this redefinition of southern obedient tripartite buildings into a northern syntax Dickerman cafe represents a transformation of both the local and the foreign to create a hybridized identity rather than an inn baby in colonial imposition so what you see how I'm throwing all this evidence at you to cause you to believe listen this was not an invasion this was a peaceful migration where they were coexisting and getting along well then sometime later in history we come to the Uruk expansion the aruch expansion is very different and once again I'm going to tell you from the beginning if you don't like to read the end of the book first which which I don't I apologize but this expansion can be characterized as a colonial expansion all the way to intrusive invasion and actually we see several different models and I'm going to show those to you so again it's the lingerer period when the expansion takes place so before that expansion happens the view on the on the left for you here shows you and you're looking at all the red dots of various sizes and different positions especially comparing the north to the south you're seeing where the population is greater this is a Niger Lee Arun period in the middle of Ruth period and you will see that the populations were greater in the north than the south weren't there and that's probably because it was easier to live in the north rather than this up the further south you went the more desert like the climate was the more difficult it was to survive so of course irrigation really comes into its own in the arun period and that probably is one of the fact of them numerous factors that caused the population to move itself during the at least the first half of the route period the lane route period into the South rather than concentrating so heavily in the north so southern Mesopotamia really grew during the Uruk period as far as its population this slide shows you a number of the sites all across the ancient Near East where the material culture the most indicative form in a certain type of ceramic which I'll tell you about in a minute we're spread all throughout the ancient world so you can see the type site of a roof down here and everywhere you see these blue triangles and you're only seeing pretty much to the north and to the west and a little bit to the east but these are sites where they have beveled rim bowls found in contexts where again this isn't trade this is the movement of people out early from southern Mesopotamia and this is just one aspect one feature of the material culture it's the most common this Belleville Ringgold they will see in a minute so let's look further at the city the route which becomes the type site for the entire route the period so ruk is located on the you phrasings river and you're going to see for a moment where it was in the ancient most times today the Persian Gulf the northern boundary of it is right in here so it's a long ways away from the city of route but in ancient times that was very different you'll see that momentarily so this is basically a breakdown of the entire occupation at the city of Uruk that actually was inhabited all the way back into the bay period as early as we made warm so this is similar to tell Alabang in that it features many of the same sub phases that are found at the type site for the for the abate period so Luke was inhabited very early in the in the archaeological record and then it's inhabited all the way down into the gem that not sure period when we have the advent of writing and it really boomed at that time then there's an obsolete phase and then following that it was occupied again during the early dynastic one period this is a picture of some of the devil room bowls that you can find at sites where you manian people transplanted themselves to what's interesting is that the pottery that existed before this period was much more beautiful much more intricate and complex and took a lot more effort and time to fashion than these bevel rim bowls these are these are known as ration bowls so you're picturing now the beginning of urbanism and a city that is what has blossomed into a city and it's become organized and has public architecture it has to have it has to be controlled through through the army or police force by whatever name there's a sovereign who controls the city and has administrative wings who handle accounting and everything else that has to go on in the life of the city well with so many inhabitants now you have the problem that this is much more than a simple powder can keep up with it because walls breaks so easily and jugs and so forth so what they went to was mass production Henry Ford would be extremely excited about the beveled rim bowls because he could make them so easily and in such great number and with rapidity this is a quick view of how they're made if you look at the lower example you see that there that this is probably based on a mole and you simply plop the clay into it you've fashioned it you take an instrument you cut it off at the top and you go to the next one you can prepare them all you fire them in the kiln and away you go you now have you know fifty beveled rim bowls that you can pass out to all the new people who have come to your city or the ones who were born to those who now are expanding the size of their families even in the in the West and the LaVon you have examples of imitation of the beveled ring bowl such as we're fashioned by in in stone with basalt and basalt as an important stone that's used in many contexts and many sites throughout Palestine throughout throughout Israel and at this time they copied the devil root bowl and simply made their own bowls out of stone that were very similar in fashion another form of pottery that's very indicative of the Rukh expansion the later root period is the drooping spotted jar it's known as a beer jar if you don't like alcohol I apologize but that's just the way it was before this in the middle of root period and then even in the in the earlier root period you have jars that and if you look in the upper left photo here you'll see jars that were straight spouted well when it came time for beer jars they figured out that the alcohol was going bad too quickly because of exposure to the elements in the air that would compromise it so what they did what they technologically determined was that if you make the spout drooping then you prevent those those gases from getting seeping into the container and contaminating it and causing the beer to go bad so quickly so just drooping the spout improve this and improve the longevity of the beer that was in the jar so these kinds of jars were involved at the moment that the post that the root expansion took place and they or spread throughout the ancient world well what are the characteristics of the Uruk expansion the 4th millennium BC rupee an assemblage represents a second transplanted Mesopotamian cultural style which was distributed more widely than that of you made expansion so as far as the Ubaid expansion went picture the Arouca expansion as going much further even the still sites recognized as a ruthian colonies have been identified across a vast area along key trading routes from haiku you in the Turkish Upper Euphrates across northern Syria and northern Iran all the way to the Zagros Mountains to the east the rupiah material culture also found its way to outlying areas in the northern LaVon that's further than the main expansion had gone and even down into Egypt and what's been found in Egypt is just the tip of the iceberg they barely even uncovered all it really is there the colonies of the aruch expansion are quite distinctive as intrusive sites established rapidly in the midst of local Iranian Syrian and southeastern Anatolian cultures especially at these sites the full range of haruki and material culture appeared suddenly in an archaeological record a pattern quite different than that from the invading expansion this includes ceramics architecture and the entire repertoire of administrative artifacts such as cylinder seals boule tokens and clay tablets with inscriptions used to monitor the circulation of goods also culturally specific aspects of technological style such as dimensions of breaks and bricklaying patterns match exactly the practices in the southern Mesopotamia homeland in some click in some cases colonies were founded from scratch on uninhabited land in other words where there was virgin soil that's where they built a colony this is not the model that happened in the you made expansion in many outlying areas routine colonies took before of small trading enclaves within pre-existing indigenous settlements and some of which the immigrants lived in segregated communities separate from the locals at least one site and we'll look at it a full-blown invasion took place so you've seen a map with some of the sites where bevel rim bowls were now looking further to the west on the Mediterranean coast and a little bit into Turkey and and Egypt you see a number of the sites that have one or another expression of this material culture from from southern Mesopotamia that transpired during this Lukie and expansion so they're beveled rim bowls conical bowls lobular jars they were drooping spouted jars there were four lug jars there were expressions of monumental architectures such as the tripartite buildings of southern Mesopotamia made their way to the to the west to the Lamont during the time of the brook expansion and later those were the precursors that model I should say the three room house is the precursor to what we know of in Israelite culture as the four-room house that signals that this is probably Israelite people during the period of the Israelite monarchy all of that is based on this expansion that took place many phases earlier archaeologically in this route expansion when the lavond was literally absorbed by this culture from Mesopotamian so let's look at a few sites first abubakr Biren well this was a colony that was built on virgin soil by transplanted people from the expansion Luba kuvira's located far to the northwest of reuk and southern Mesopotamia you can see a gear on the western side of the Euphrates River just to the east of the see and the UH new plane that's in ancient Syria so this is technically part of each of Syria well just a little cultural context here the length of rope period in Mesopotamia has an equivalent in the LaVon and it's there are different names for the archaeological periods because of the fact that they're completely different places in the Levant it's known as the calculative gauge and the length calculate ik5 period is equivalent to the length looka period so if you want to see how just outward movement of people is taking place in the LaVon what you want to look for is a site that has a settlement from the period known as late calculate very fine well the lake calculate ik one two three periods in northern Mesopotamia and beyond are considered a time of pre contact in other words its before the Mesopotamians really had a strong contact with the people from the LaVon there are exceptions to the rule of course but conversely the link to philippic for period began the time of contact so now in the fort and Keflavik for period they were really starting to have sustained contact and in the fifth period that's when it's a it's characterized late catholic catholic five period that's characterized by an actual expansion in and strong ties between the two so you can see that in this chart the site of abu bakr beer I had a dense occupation with well-organized architecture and a plan layout over its 18 hectares the site was built on virgin soil thus certainly not previously inhabited before its construction in lc5 its features include plants city quarters tripartite buildings and European temples here you can see a larger map on top showing where the site is in relation to his local vicinity and you couldn't see some of the topography there the close-up below shows you the part that was the main occupational area of the site of houla kuvira complete with most of its in the top center here most of the public and communal buildings and residential buildings as well as over here and to our far left you can see some tripartite temples of large scale that show a central point to where the where they religious activity took place call tickly at the site this is an artist reconstruction of what that would have looked like you can see that it was a large colony well established a lot of people and they were they were on their own they did not have cultural ties with the Syrian people around them they did not interact well or trade much with the people in the vicinity they were a sight almost completely on an island standing alone well here's a quote from oats in train and power in the fifth and fourth millennia BC they say at both sites that is ho boo boo kuvira and jeboa rue de not only the material culture such as pottery seals and ceilings but also the individual residential units are indistinguishable from those of southern mesopotamia no in other words the people who move there didn't adapt their own stylist or methods to that which was local to Syria it maintained the way it was in their homeland of southern Mesopotamia and in particular at the site on aruch the identity of material culture ideology accounting practices use of space and building techniques render inconceivable any interpretation other than that the settlements at both booba Kabira chavalla rue de were built and lived by Southern Mesopotamian people both settlements were short-lived about 100 to 150 years it's it's thought if not shorter both were abruptly abandoned the construction of a massive city wall in the second building phase suggest that local relations may not have been entirely peaceful you didn't see the construction of city walls in the o'banion expansion but during the expansion under the Eroica period city walls were made for defensible purposes routine colonies such as abu bakr biron and Sheikh Hassan were large fortified settlements that apparently used coercion to control the local Syrian communities around them in other words the immigrants from southern Mesopotamia established a strong foothold at these Syrian sites built defensible fortifications then began to impose their will on the native Syrians who had been residing in these areas this is a little bit of a picture of some of the material culture here you see the drooping spout ajar to our upper left the top left in this room you see some four left jars to the right in one in dark red and then one to the left of it and you see some that other forms of pottery that are indicative of the latent period so we have drooping spouted jars we have bevel rim bowls we have red slit lug jars we have standard four lug jars all of the expressions of material culture from the southern Mesopotamia were finally at the booba Kabira and even there their architecture was was those copied as we see here in the tripartite building to the left part of which you can see in the photo - right in addition they had and we'll look at this this afternoon a little bit more closely another characteristic feature of the culture of the arute culture that found its way into the place where they're commonly seller with stone mosaic or clay mosaic buildings and so this was a beautification this this allowed their structures to be built and then beautified with facade to make it look much more attractive so pillars or parts of walls for example were coated with this with these cones that were colored and formed a very very i pleasing design so these also are found at a Kabira as well as sites Daren Rukh and other cities in southern Mesopotamia and here's what it would have looked like with some of the stone mosaic cones in the in their positions in a building at the Guru kuvira then we come to some more unpleasant items of the material culture these these slinging bullets that were made of various materials in various sizes these primarily being unfired clay and you can see in the depiction on the right much later in history way later in history you see a picture of honoring that's from a relief of some new Assyrians firing their sling ball with their slingshots and using them in war so it wasn't just you know kids something for kids to play with to each other with you know some piece of gum or something this these were large projectiles intended to hit someone in the head ideally to knock them out and render them unconscious ok one more site Haseena beat epic this was a segregated colony of the aruch expansion you can see that it's located just to the north of Aruba kuvira and here the southeastern Anatolian site of Hassan FHFA experienced trading contact with southern Mesopotamia during the middle of Ruth period I sometime in the pre-contact face that's linkout capital at 3:00 in the LaVon the town had large scale architecture but the population and power base remained indigenous throughout the conquest period we have quote-unquote we have absolutely no evidence for fortifications weapons warfare or violent destruction in the contact phase be to Selma the lane remote city of Austin and pika-pika feature two distinct neighborhoods one being a settlement of native residents measuring 3.2 hectares and the other being and rukia non Conclave measuring a half of a hectare and having been built over an earlier indigenous sector thus at Haas an epic epic we seem to have the evidence of one of the world's oldest examples of an ethnic ethnically segregated city you know you think of what happened when different people groups migrated to the United States there were Irish they were polish they were Romanian they were my Serbian people what happened did they all go and settle and immediately integrate themselves into the local cultures that were there in the United States no they went to places like New York City Boston Philadelphia etc and they made their own segregated communities so what do we have here at Husson epic epic probably the world's oldest form of segregated living so they didn't even connect with the other people who were there in fact they had separate trash boos from one Enclave to the next even though they were in such close proximity to one another there is no evidence for either a ruk colonial domination or a warfare between the colonists of the native inhabitants instead the presence of both Anatolian and Mesopotamian seal impressions at the site best fits a pattern of peaceful exchange between the two groups comparative analyses of ceramics and so forth from Mesopotamian local parties of hosting of a cafe suggest that the conclave was a socially and economically autonomous diaspora whose members raise their own food produced their own crafts administrated their own encapsulated for circumscribed exchange system in many cases both group and local ceramics occurred together in the same contact phase deposits but it's also common to see remarkable contrast between contexts consisting of local Anatolian types whereas contemporary is contemporaneous deposits nearby yielded almost exclusively rupee and Mesopotamian ceramics as well group ceramics and local Anatolian ceramics were being used and then discarded separated the final site to look at his humble car where there was an invasion by the people how a car is located to the to the east and the south of Hostin ethnic cafe and it's actually in part of Mesopotamia again and far in the north it's actually not too far from cafe Gaara well the northern Mesopotamian site of Chihuahua car has a main mound at a southern extension the final length capital ethics city of lc5 had a defensive wall once again when as the defensive wall found late calculating 5 equal to late room period in Mesopotamia it surrounded this perimeter with large parts of which that were visible with already have been found to be visible with satellite technology architecture of the lc5 city features tripartite buildings courtyards lockable doors on storage in its protection right and ceilings indicative of southern Mesopotamian culture how did this culture gain its foothold and how new car according to Clemens rifle excavated there the chief excavator hamilkar experienced a violent conflagration that is a destruction by fire around 3500 BC according to him the very time period of the expansion the European invaders destroyed much of the city in a hostile invasion and has established an intrusive culture of their own at the site in other words they took over completely after killing all the inhabitants evidence of this invasion which mitigates against the prevailing theory among archaeologists who say that the aruch expansion was a peaceful movement includes a burn layer collapsed door jambs intrusive pits with beveled rim bowls skeletal remains of native residents killed during the invasion and sling balls found in both hull form and smash from impact and the smashed ones we call Hershey Kisses because they look exactly like Hershey's kids after they hit a hard wall or something and missed their target but instead hit something that was much harder than they were so here's a tripartite houses from Hummel car here's a tripartite building with those visas that are built into a wall probably for mounting of a cultic figure here are the sling balls and you can see an actual Hershey's kiss in the men be here on the upper left caused by a sling ball that hit a target that was probably something like a residential wall so these are some of the larger sling balls the round ones that were used in the invasion and then some of those sling balls were found in contexts together in an area that made it look like this was a stockpile of weapons and ammunition in clay balls were or clay bullets were also found near body parts nears skeletal remains such as this skull so here's a human casualty from the battle for a humble car that was won by the invaders and that pretty much brings us to the end so rather than going through the conclusions

Channel: Is Genesis History?

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Keywords: creation, bible, genesis, archeology, babel, christian, creationism, science, history

Id: r4_7KlM59rA

Length: 65min 59sec (3959 seconds)

Published: Mon Jan 22 2018