This episode of The Great War
is sponsored by Audible. Stick around for a special offer at the
end of this episode. But first: It’s March 1921 and Alfredo Zayas y Alfonso
has become president of Cuba. But there are claims of electoral fraud, and US troops are
sent to the island nation – this is just the latest case of longstanding US intervention
in the Caribbean: it’s the Banana Wars. Hi, I’m Jesse Alexander and
welcome to the Great War. In the early 20th Century, the United States
was deeply involved in events in Central America and the Caribbean. To protect its interests
and keep other Powers out, the US fought wars, intervened in politics, and even occupied some
countries for years at a time. These conflicts have become known as the Banana Wars, and in
this episode, we’ll take a look at three of them: in Cuba, in Haiti and in the Dominican Republic -
and they were all going on exactly 100 years ago. Since the 19th century, Latin America was no
stranger to US presence – going back all the way to the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. This doctrine
still outlined US priorities 100 years later: keeping European influence out
of Central and South America, and increasing trade with the independent
republics. In 1898, the US put the doctrine into practice when Cuban leaders requested its
help in their war of independence against Spain. American forces intervened and the US won the
Spanish-American War in just a few months. This was a sign that American power and willingness
to get involved abroad was on the rise. In the years following the war in Cuba, the United States took on an important
role in the country’s politics and economy. Some US politicians thought that the country
should annex Cuba, but President William McKinley refused. Instead, he created a provisional
government under an American military governor that was supposed to introduce social, political
and economic reforms to modernize the island. Congress also passed the Platt Amendment, which
allowed the US to intervene in Cuba in the future, and gave the US Navy use of the territory at
Guantanamo Bay. But for governor Leonard Wood, progress was too slow. Cubans had enjoyed
a three-hour workday under Spanish rule, and Wood claimed that their
experience as a Spanish colony made it difficult for Cubans to adopt
what he saw as productive American habits: “The great mass of public opinion is perfectly
inert; especially this is true among the professional classes. The passive inactivity
of one hundred and fifty years has settled over them and it is hard to get them out of old ruts
and old grooves... We are much hampered by the lack of practical experience on the part of the
really influential men and much tact has to be used to steer and divert them without offending
or causing pain.” (Langley, Banana Wars, 9) However, by 1902, the Americans decided
that conditions were stable enough for US troops to withdraw and leave Cuba in local
hands. But just four years later, in 1906, Cuba’s two main political parties, the Moderates and the
Liberals, were clashing in pre-election violence. Cuban president and Moderate
leader, Tomás Estrada Palma, was accused of using security forces to ensure his
reelection. The Liberals, who were no friends of American involvement in the country in general,
now called for the US to ensure free elections. President Theodore Roosevelt chose not
to intervene, and the situation in Cuba degenerated. The Liberals began to raise an army,
and by September, they had 24,000 men under arms, controlled the railways, and were threatening
the capital. The Moderate government only had about 3000 police – so this time the
Moderate Party called on the US to come to Cuba. Roosevelt still didn’t send troops, and instead
called on President Estrada Palma to resign, which he refused to do while the
Liberals were still armed. Meanwhile, the Liberals rejected to disarm
unless they had US protection. So, in September, 2,000 Marines were sent to
the island with instructions to accept the Cuban President’s resignation and again form a
new provisional government. Fresh elections were held in 1908, and have been described by one
historian as the “fairest in Cuban history.” The Liberal candidate got the most votes,
so with order seemingly restored, the US once again withdrew its forces in 1909. But some
observers were worried about what might come next. US administrator and army officer Robert
Bullard made a pessimistic prediction: “The U.S. will have to go back. It is only a matter of
time.” (Langley, Banana Wars, 43) Bullard turned out to be right, and American marines returned
to Cuba in 1912 to stop further violence. So the US had fought a war in Cuba in 1898,
and intervened numerous times in the years that followed. But with American’s growing
influence and the outbreak of the Great War in Europe in 1914, Cuba wasn’t the only Caribbean
island where the US was getting involved. The completion of the Panama Canal in August
1914 and its importance to US interests presented a new strategic problem in the Caribbean. The
Americans already controlled Cuba and Puerto Rico, but the island of Hispaniola presented a
potential weak point in US defences of the eastern approaches to the canal. This sensitive
point became even more of a problem for the US when Americans accused Haiti of
getting too close to German influence. Haiti covered half of Hispaniola, and had won
its independence from France back in 1804. The country’s leaders had been
unreceptive to US diplomatic advances, and sometimes dealt with German businessmen
who had married into the local elite. By 1914, US authorities considered Haiti to be
aligned with Germany, and they would not tolerate a foreign power’s influence in the region, or
the lost opportunities for American companies. They also felt that given the population’s
African origin, Haitians would not be able to govern themselves. In the view of the Haitian
government, they were simply acting as would any sovereign nation. The US began to make plans for
an intervention, but events soon overtook them. Haiti had long struggled with
political instability, and since 1911, seven presidents had been assassinated or deposed.
From the American point of view, it was this type of chaos that was making it possible for German
influence to grow. Inside Haitian society, the situation was more complicated. The island
was ruled by a privileged French-speaking elite that considered itself apart from the poorer
Creole-speaking majority. The violence that often broke out usually involved armed groups
known as cacos. To some observers, the cacos were revolutionaries for hire, who periodically
captured Port-au-Prince for the highest bidder before returning to their villages. But to
others, including many Haitians, they were the expression of the population’s desire to resist
unscrupulous leaders and soon, foreign occupation. In July 1915, a new round of political violence
came to head. Just a few months earlier, President Vilbrun Guillaume Sam had ordered the execution
of 167 opponents of his regime. When the sentence was carried out, the population rose up against
him under the leadership of Dr. Rosalvo Bobo. Bobo was an intellectual who had
supported popular uprisings against previous Haitian rulers, and opposed Sam’s
closer relations with the United States. During the July uprising against Sam’s executions, Sam was dragged from the French embassy where
he was hiding and killed by an angry crowd. When news of the assassination got out, Rear
Admiral William Caperton was in command of a nearby US Navy cruiser squadron. Without waiting
for orders, he landed five companies of marines and sailors and made for Port-au-Prince.
Resistance was light, and US troops were soon in control of the city, even though
this was a violation of international law. Caperton said that he had acted to
protect foreign lives and property, establish order, and maintain
Haiti’s constitution. President Woodrow Wilson approved the occupation
and in the following months, Caperton appointed Phillipe Sudre Dartiguenave as president of Haiti.
He also forced through a treaty that made Haiti into a virtual colony of the United States. The
treaty gave the US control of Haitian finances, trade, diplomacy, and gave the US the right
to occupy the country for 10 to 20 years. Some of the French-speaking elite in the
country was supportive of Caperton, but most of poorer Creole-speaking population was not, and
wanted Dr. Bobo in power and the Americans out. Haitian journalist Elie Guerin wrote of
his hopes for the future of the country: “The Monroe doctrine, the Yankee imperialist’s mask...no doubt will deteriorate before long. [We
Haitians] we must strive, with courage, to still suffer physically more and more, that is to say
until the end of the European War...In that case we ought to be patient, calm and proud, while
at the same time enduring suffering, as the hour for our liberation is the coming collapse of the
Monroe doctrine.” (Roberts, Haitian Studies 241) Relations between US troops and the local
population were predictably tense, made worse by the racial attitudes of most of the Americans.
It didn’t take long before the cacos began a simmering guerilla war against the occupying
forces, under Charlemagne Peralte and Benoit Batraville. In fall 1915, the marines began to
patrol more aggressively outside of the capital, and in a single November raid, killed 50
Haitians in ten minutes at Fort Riviere. The Marines had stormed the fort with the
help of machine guns, while the rebels had been armed with rifles, sticks, and stones.
No US soldiers were killed in the attack. These types of Marine patrols
continued, and by January 1916, Caperton reported optimistically about
the military and financial situation: “All Haiti quiet… Military control of
situation and status quo being maintained… Naval paymasters under paymaster Conard continue
in charge of the customs service and fiscal matters. Practically entire Haitian financial
system is now being so administered.” (Posner 250) And so, with US troops in control of Haiti
and a US-friendly President installed, American authorities turned their
attention to the Dominican Republic, Haiti’s neighbour and the other
state on the island of Hispaniola. After gaining independence from Spain in 1868, the Dominican Republic had
developed into decentralised state where many of its people identified more
with their home region than the new nation. This made the country more susceptible to
foreign influence, including from the US. From 1900 onwards, the US took
control of vital Dominican industries, including plantations and mining. This
control intensified under President Wilson who also sought moral leadership over
what he considered “uncivilised” peoples. Like Haiti, the Dominican Republic
suffered from internal turmoil. In 1916, American-friendly
President Juan Isidro Jiménez was at the head of a provisional government.
But his real power was limited to the capital, and areas outside Santo Domingo were dominated
by regional strongmen known as caudillismo. In May 1916, Minister of War General Desiderio
Arias led a coup against the President. Jiménez fled the country and reluctantly
accepted US offers for intervention. The US threatened to bombard Santo Domingo, so
Arias fled to his regional stronghold of Cibao. Further violence seemed inevitable, so Jiménez
resigned, as he explained to the US authorities: “I cannot keep my word with
you. I can never consent to attacking my own people.”
(Langley, The Banana Wars, 135) Despite his protests, in June the US sent
in the marines anyway. At Puerto Plata, around 500 Dominican fighters resisted an
amphibious assault of 130 marines. Once ashore, Marine machine guns and supporting naval
fire quickly defeated the defenders. Meanwhile, more marines landed at Monte Cristi.
After taking the town without resistance, they were attacked by local militiamen on the
outskirts. According to Marine commander Captain Frederick Wise, around 150 fighters charged
down the hills directly at his machine guns. He concluded they had never
seen such weapons before: “[They dropped] all up and
down the line… I could see sheer amazement on their faces.”
(Langley, The Banana Wars, 139) Wise’s men then advanced along the Yaque del Norte
River, with instructions to meet with the Marines who’d landed at Puerto Plata outside Arias’s
capital of Santiago. When the Marines arrived, Arias had already departed, and most of
his forces melted back into the population. However, upon arriving there on July 4th,
they were informed Arias had departed, with much of his forces simply dissipating.
On July 6th, the marines entered the city without resistance. Santiago fell
to the Americans without a fight. So, with Arias defeated, US control of the
Dominican Republic seemed secure. However, back in Santo Domingo, the US was unable to
find a pro-American presidential candidate. Instead, in November 1916, they took
full and direct control of the country, and installed a US military government
under Captain Henry Knapp. Unlike in Haiti, there would be no pretence
of an independent government. So by 1916, the US had taken control of
Haiti and installed a puppet government, and the US military was running the Dominican
Republic. But these were not the end of American intervention in the region, and soon, the Marines
would be sent to familiar places once again. By mid-1917, the level of political
violence in Cuba had decreased, even though there were still some areas
where it persisted. American businessmen in Cuba were particularly worried about
the safety of their sugar plantations. In previous struggles, plantations
had often been torched or abandoned, and so in August 1,000 Marines were sent in to
protect them. This operation was disguised as a training exercise to avoid trouble with Cubans
who opposed American influence and in the country. By 1921, major political
instability returned to Cuba, which resulted in yet another US intervention.
This time There were claims of electoral fraud concerning the election of
Moderate candidate Alfredo Zayas. When new elections were held under Marine
guard in March 1921, Zayas once again won. Now, desperate for capital, he called
on US banks to fund his government. J.P Morgan Jr. agreed, to the tune of
$50 million, but only if Zayas introduced wide sweeping political and economic reforms,
including cutting the government budget in half. Zayas agreed, but anti-American reaction
made his position looked vulnerable. Instead, once Zayas got hold of the cash, he
embarked on an extensive spending programme, fired many of his American supported ministers and became increasingly
resistant to following US orders. Meanwhile, Haiti was still an
American satellite state. In 1918, the US-backed government forced through a new
constitution that allowed foreigners to own property, which had previously been forbidden.
Although voters in a subsequent plebiscite overwhelmingly supported the new constitution,
only 5% of the population had actually voted. US authorities in Haiti had also started
infrastructure modernisation programmes, such as rail and road construction. To
do this, they revived a French colonial labour system known as the corvée. On paper,
this gave Haitians the choice of providing unpaid labour or paying a special tax. Since
the vast majority couldn’t afford the tax, they had no choice to work – and this seemed
like a return to slavery in the eyes of many. The policy was scrapped in late
1918, but left lasting resentment. In 1919, a caco leader Charlemagne
Peralte launched a renewed revolt against the Haitian government and their
American sponsors. His call to arms revived memories of Haiti’s own
struggle for self-liberation: “Haitians! [A] day like the 1st of January 1804
will soon rise. [For] 4 years the Occupation insults us in every way, every morning brings us
a new sadness... No fear! We have arms! Let us drive out that ravenous people whose ravenousness
is represented in the person of their President Wilson: traitor, vagabond, rioter, thief. [Y]ou
will die with your country.” (Schreadley, 157) Peralte rallied about 5000 fighters
and attacked Port-au-Prince, but failed to take it. On November 1st
1919, two US marines - with blackened faces and wearing caco clothing - snuck into his camp
and shot him dead. They took a photo of Peralte stripped naked and tied to a door, which was
distributed to send a message to his supporters. Instead, it drew comparisons to the crucifixion
of Christ and turned Peralte into a martyr. Overall, the period of the Banana
Wars saw the US Marine Corp, and Navy generally, taking on a central role in
US geopolitics. These so-called small wars would challenge the infrastructure and abilities of the
Marines, as well as create a controversial legacy. On the ground, few forces could rival the
training and firepower of the Marines, but many were also unprepared for the nature
of fighting in the tropics. Furthermore, for a mission centric organisation like the Marines,
the lack of clear policy and orders proved frustrating. Col. George C. Thorpe, a veteran
of the Dominican occupation, wrote in 1919: “It would seem that it would be a fine thing if
troops.. in the Dominican Republic and Haiti, were told exactly what their mission is…
Uncertainty is always unsatisfactory. Men can face a very black future if they but
know what it is. But an uncertain future, even with bright possibilities is
annoying and unsettling.” (Johnson 143) These issues were compounded by the inherent
racism prevalent in the Marine Corps. The US Navy even prioritised sending commanders from
southern states because they thought they would be better at dealing with people of African
origin. These attitudes meant that the Americans often did not recognize or understand the
political and social dynamics of different Caribbean populations. Instead, local people were
usually lumped together based exclusively on race. American attitudes cost the US politically, but
they also cost local people’s lives, since a black resident’s life was not considered as valuable
as a white American’s. In the Dominican Republic, Dominicans were beaten and fined for criticising
the military occupation. Charles Merkel, a Marine officer known as the “the Tiger of Seibo”,
gained a particular reputation for torture and burning villages. He was eventually arrested,
but committed suicide rather than stand trial. After the US entered the Great War in 1917, some
Marine officers were transferred to Europe. The ones who weren’t often grew frustrated at
missing out on the war in Europe, since the Caribbean was considered a second-rate posting.
One Marine officer wrote to his commander: “If I do a good job of clearing
these… provinces of insurgents and kill a lot… it ought to demonstrate I’d be a
good German-killer.” (Langley, Banana Wars, 147) These frustrations were
sometimes taken out on locals and the small, but influential, German population. By 1920, stories of abuse began to emerge despite
press censorship in the Dominican Republic. To a US public back home who
saw themselves as rescuers, the accusations caused a scandal. Historian
Jeannie Johnson summed up the controversy: “Marines alone cannot be saddled with the
blame for bringing racism with them—they did this by virtue of their American heritage—but they must own the belligerent actions they
vindicated through this perceptual lens, actions that fell enough outside the American
norm—racist as it was—that it was rejected by the Marines’ own domestic public and brought shame and
indignation down on their service.” (Johnson 158) Despite being overshadowed by
larger conflicts of the period, the Banana Wars would leave legacies that shaped
the region for decades. In the Dominican Republic, the occupation lasted 8 years, while in
Haiti it continued for nearly twenty. Economics undoubtedly played a
large role in the Banana Wars, and the US frequently sought financial
domination. But even though money was important, it was not necessarily the end goal for
American policymakers. Financial control instead served to underpin geopolitical goals,
and was seen as necessary for future democracy. However, the frequent threat and use of American
military might to push through unpopular treaties and constitutions also fundamentally damaged
the reputation of democracy in the region. To many, the supposedly democratic governments were merely American puppets - a
claim that was difficult to refute. In some cases, the US presence did result in
limited modernisation, especially in Cuba, but this was usually only in the capital cities.
The US did create central security forces such as the Rural Guard in Cuba, the Gendarmerie in Haiti,
and Guardia Nacional in the Dominican Republic. These forces did help to end the cycle of
political coups that plagued the countries, but they also allowed power to be increasingly
centralised. And centralized power would cast a long shadow on the history of the
Caribbean in the decades to come. If you paid attention during history lessons,
you will probably know that the relations between Cuba and the US did only become more entangled
over the decades. Much has been written about the Cuban revolution in 1959, one recent
book on the topic I enjoyed was The Great Game in Cuba - How the CIA Sabotaged Its Own
Plot to Unseat Fidel Castro - by Joan Mellen. In the book we get a rare inside
look into the CIA’s involvement in Cuba and how the secret service struggled to
prevent and then reverse the Cuban revolution. And where could you enjoy Mellen’s work?
Well, you could enjoy it as an audiobook and listen to it. And you could do so for free.
Yes, if you sign up for a free trial with Audible through audible.com/thegreatwar, you could listen
to The Great Game in Cuba by Joan Mellen for free. And that’s not the only great
history audiobook you can find on Audible, the world’s leading spoken word platform. They
have thousands of titles in their catalogue, not just audiobooks but also podcasts and more.
Audiobooks are a great and easy way to enjoy your non-fiction books on-the-go. When I am taking
a walk through Vienna or just want to lay down instead of sitting at my desk the whole
day, I hit the play button on my Audible app and dive into the latest history.
Visit Audible dot com slash greatwar or text greatwar to 500-500. To sign up for
a free 30 day trial. When you sign up you will get one credit that you can
spend on any audiobook of your choice. We’d like to thank Mark Newton for his help
with this episode. As usual, you can find all our sources for this episode in the video
description. If you want to support our channel, you can support us on Patreon and the link for
that are in the video description below as well. I’m Jesse Alexander and this is The
Great War 1921, a production of Real Time History and the only Youtube history
channel advocating for three-hour workdays.
Fantastic Video, High School history class never mentioned any of this. That's why I love this Channel.