Ames Moot Court Competition Fall 1999

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JESS ALBERMAN: Good evening, everyone. My name is Jess Alberman. On behalf of the Board of Student Advisors and Dean Clark, I'd like to get to the final arguments of the Ames Moot Court Upper Round Competition. The case before the court tonight, which was written by the Ames Fellow Kathryn Claypool, presents questions about the constitutionality of the Immigration and Naturalization Services' long-term detention of aliens ordered deported in the United States. I'd like to present to you the teams. Petitioner Kim Tan is represented by the A. Leon Higginbotham Memorial Team-- Debi Cornwall, Andrew Ehrlich, Kathleen Hartnett, Rachel Jones, Michael Liftik and William McSwain. The respondent, Susan Applegate, District Director of United States Immigration and Naturalization Service, is represented by the Jefferson Memorial Team-- Danny David, Rebecca Gelfond, Preethi Krishnamurthy, Brendan Maher, Peter Stris, and Elizabeth Rogers. Presiding as Chief Justice is the Honorable John O. Newman, Senior Circuit Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. He will be joined by the Honorable William Fletcher, from the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, and the Honorable Margaret Marshall, who is the Chief Justice of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court. I'm going to ask that you all hold your applause until all of the oralists have finished. And please remember that the petitioner has time for rebuttal as well. Please refrain from flash photography during the argument. The judges will pose behind their chairs for photos a few minutes before the argument begins. Best of luck to both teams and enjoy the argument. [APPLAUSE] BAILIFF: All rise. Oyez, oyez, oyez! All persons having business before the Honorable, the Supreme Court of the United States, are advised to draw near and give their attention, for the Court is now sitting. God save the United States in this Honorable Court. JOHN NEWMAN: All right, be seated, please. All right, is that the name over here? All right, we're going to hear Tan against Applegate. Counsel for the petitioners ready? Go right ahead. ANDREW EHRLICH: May I proceed? JOHN NEWMAN: Yes, go right ahead. ANDREW EHRLICH: Mr. Chief Justice, and may it may please the Court. Good evening. My name is Andrew Ehrlich. And I, along with Bill McSwain, will be arguing on behalf of the petitioner, Mr. Kim Tan. I'll be addressing the constitutional questions in this case. My co-counsel will subsequently discuss petitioner statutory claims. We'd like to reserve five minutes for rebuttal. JOHN NEWMAN: All right. ANDREW EHRLICH: This case presents to the court the question of whether the INS violates the fundamental liberty interest afforded to all persons by the continuing and indefinite detention of Kim Tan. The facts of the case are not complex. Mr. Tan fled Vietnam in 1978 and entered the United States as a refugee. He enjoyed legal permanent resident status until 1998, at which time he was ordered removed after the completion of a criminal sentence from which he was paroled for exemplary behavior. However, the United States has no treaty of repatriation with Vietnam, a necessary first step in order to facilitate his return. Now in 1996, Congress enacted massive and sweeping changes to the immigration laws. And in this case, the INS interprets those changes as authorizing Mr. Tan's continuing and indefinite detention. He has been incarcerated for nearly 17 months now with no foreseeable end. My argument will proceed in three parts. First, I'll demonstrate the constitutional text and this court's precedent make clear that Mr. Tan, as a removable alien, retains due process rights. Second, I will demonstrate that the arbitrary and indefinite detention of Mr. Tan fails the heightened scrutiny that this court applies to infringements of liberty. Finally, I will argue that Mr. Tan's liberty was deprived through procedures that were egregiously inadequate and do not comport with basic notions of procedural due process. JOHN NEWMAN: As you focus on those questions-- and take them up in any order you wish-- but I'm wondering, are we to consider whether the 17 months he's been in custody violates the Constitution, or the Constitution will be violated at some point later on? ANDREW EHRLICH: Judge Newman, we believe that the Constitution has been violated already by his previous incarceration. JOHN NEWMAN: And at what point did it get violated? What point in the time sequence? ANDREW EHRLICH: At the point when the INS determined that Mr. Tan's removal was not reasonably foreseeable. His detention violated the Constitution. MARGARET MARSHALL: And where did they make determination? ANDREW EHRLICH: Well, presumably, at some point following the removal period, perhaps during the removal period, the INS ascertained that Mr. Tan could not, in fact, be removed. And the rule we would argue for this court, in this case, to adopt is that when removal becomes not reasonably foreseeable. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, they knew that. There was no treaty the first month he was in custody. Isn't that so? ANDREW EHRLICH: Yes, that's true, Judge. JOHN NEWMAN: So was it unconstitutional then? ANDREW EHRLICH: No, we believe that the 90-day removal period would most likely pass constitutional scrutiny. Because as an administrative matter, the INS needs to determine that, in fact, Mr. Tan is from Vietnam, make the necessary inquiries, perhaps look if he is removable to other nations, and engage in the various activities that they would need to do. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Could Congress have provided for a two-year statute instead of a 90-day statute? ANDREW EHRLICH: Justice Fletcher, we believe that that would begin to fail constitutional scrutiny. Because it would be excessive in relation to the goals of removal. MARGARET MARSHALL: And is it your point as well that Congress has no ability to give the Attorney General any flexibility? So whether it's 90 days, or 20 days, or 120, or two years on whatever the next day is, that's it? ANDREW EHRLICH: No, Judge Marshall, we're not arguing for such a bright-line standard at all. We're arguing that, clearly, the phrase, "beyond the removal period," if construed to not authorize indefinite detention, would likely be constitutional. But if at some point the INS determines that removal is not foreseeable, that fails constitutional scrutiny. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Now, you keep saying "if the INS determined." What if the INS doesn't so determine, wouldn't so determine, even though some outside observer would determine? The INS may differ with you, in terms of whether repatriation is possible. ANDREW EHRLICH: That's why we're in the Article III Courts, Judge Fletcher, to hopefully receive the rule that the INS must release aliens when they determine that removal is no longer foreseeable. JOHN NEWMAN: And that's the test, whether it's foreseeable that there will be a repatriation treaty? ANDREW EHRLICH: Judge Newman, recently, the Eastern District of California, in [? SoC ?] vs. INS, adopted that test. They adjudicated-- MARGARET MARSHALL: The V Circuit has adopted a different test. The V Circuit's test is a good faith effort to effectuate. That puts it on the INS to make an effort. And as I understand it, at least when the INS has representations to this court, the INS is making one hell of an effort here. It's not getting anywhere. But it is making an effort. Isn't that enough? ANDREW EHRLICH: Justice Marshall, it's not enough. Because even though it may be making a good faith effort, Mr. Tan's detention is, in fact, indefinite. And that fails constitutional scrutiny. This court's precedents on indefinite detention are clear. And if I may, I'd like to discuss those briefly. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Could you, while you're at it, please distinguish for me Shaughnessy versus United States ex rel Mezei? ANDREW EHRLICH: Yes, Justice Fletcher, the Mezei case is distinguishable from the present one because the aliens in that case were excludable aliens. They came to our shores and said-- WILLIAM FLETCHER: And why should not the alien in this case be considered as if he were an excludable alien? ANDREW EHRLICH: Because, Justice Fletcher, Mr. Tan has a longtime connection to this country. He has 17 years of legal permanent residence. And as Justice O'Connor noted in Landon versus Plasencia, those types of connections have constitutional significance. Mr. Tan is within the territory. And therefore, he gets rights. JOHN NEWMAN: Was Mezei coming here for the first time? Or was he returning? ANDREW EHRLICH: He was returning. But he had been absent for over 20 months. And therefore, the court treated him as if he were coming for the first time. However, Mr. Tan has never left the territory. And the text of the Due Process Clause is clear. "All persons within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States receive due process rights." And this court has been clear on that point as long ago as 1886 in Yick Wo versus Hopkins. WILLIAM FLETCHER: But of course, it's riddled with exceptions. We have a notion of, well, he may be physically on the territory. But for terms of due process, we treat him as excluded or excludable. Because we haven't let him in yet. ANDREW EHRLICH: The only exception that this court has made to the fundamental notion that all persons on the territory get due process rights is the case of Mezei. And in that case, not only had the individuals not entered yet, but, in fact-- WILLIAM FLETCHER: Well, they were physically on the territory. They were, I believe, on Ellis Island. ANDREW EHRLICH: On Ellis Island, yes. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Or I should say he. It was an individual. ANDREW EHRLICH: Mr. Mezei was on Ellis Island. However, the difference in that case is perhaps best illustrated by the history of the Mariel boatlift. The reason excludable aliens are not afforded rights is that there is a valid national security interest behind it. There's almost a preservative character to the reason for this exclusion, which is that, in 1980, Fidel Castro released 125,000 Cubans onto our shores, many of them mentally ill and former felons. MARGARET MARSHALL: Are you suggesting there's no national interest at issue in this case, once somebody has become a permanent lawful resident? There's no national interest in our providing for deportation proceedings? ANDREW EHRLICH: There clearly is a national interest in providing for the removal of Mr Tan. However, when his removal becomes impossible, the Fifth Amendment liberty interest must prevail. And therefore, in the case of excludable aliens, imagine the incentives that would create, if we were to send the message that all excludable aliens who reach our shores, whose home countries would no longer accept them, would receive the full panoply of constitutional rights. That would be an impracticable rule, and thus the foundation for this court's ruling in Mezei. JOHN NEWMAN: What is it that has been taken away without due process in this case? ANDREW EHRLICH: Mr. Tan's right to be free from incarceration, Chief Justice Newman. Mr. Tan retains, as a result of the clear text of the Fifth Amendment and this court's precedents, including Wong Wing versus United States, in which the court held that an alien, who had been deported but not yet removed, retained the Fifth Amendment due process right. His right to liberty has been infringed. Because he has served his criminal sentence. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, all right. It's his liberty interests, when you say his due process right. The interest is his liberty interest. ANDREW EHRLICH: Yes, Chief Justice Newman. JOHN NEWMAN: And is that liberty interest the same as a person who is walking around not subject to a deportation order? ANDREW EHRLICH: Clearly some form of regulatory detention, Chief Justice Newman, would, in fact, be acceptable. The question is whether or not it's excessive. When we look at his liberty interest, this court has applied strict scrutiny to infringements of liberty. As recently as Reno versus Flores in 1993, the court noted that a heightened standard applied. So the question is-- JOHN NEWMAN: As to what type of an individual or under what circumstances, when you say a "heightened standard?" Again, do you mean a citizen walking around before you can commit him civilly, that sort of citizen? MARGARET MARSHALL: Or a juvenile walking around, in that case. ANDREW EHRLICH: Well, Chief Justice Marshall, in Reno versus Flores, the individuals actually were aliens. They were juvenile aliens. And the court noted, as it did in Salerno, that the presumption in our society is that all persons retain a right to liberty absent criminal proceedings or civil commitment. And in this case, Mr. Tan went through a criminal proceeding and served his sentence. JOHN NEWMAN: So is there no difference in deciding the nature of the liberty interest between a person who can walk around as a normal citizen and a person who has been ordered to leave the country? ANDREW EHRLICH: Chief Justice Newman, there clearly is some difference. Because the regulatory detention that is permitted for the 90-M day removal period, and probably shortly thereafter, is valid. The person is clearly regulated. However, at some point when the detention becomes excessive, we need to apply heightened scrutiny to it. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, all right, so if it's not the same liberty interests, but as you say, at some point, it becomes excessive, is it just a question of how long? ANDREW EHRLICH: It is absolutely a question of how long, Chief Justice Newman. JOHN NEWMAN: And what is too long about 17 months? ANDREW EHRLICH: It's too long, because there's absolutely no prospect for Mr. Tan's removal. There are a long series-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Is that a question of fact? ANDREW EHRLICH: Well, Chief Justice Marshall, in United States versus Foucha, the court treated detentions similar to this one, where there was periodic review but no certain date for release, as indefinite. MARGARET MARSHALL: We don't have a certain date. But when you talk in terms of there's no chance, or it's impossible, or whatever it is, aren't you raising a question of fact? ANDREW EHRLICH: Chief Justice Marshall, because the INS cannot tell you when Mr. Tan will be removed-- MARGARET MARSHALL: No, but they can tell you that they are going to have an opportunity to take a look at this case in six months' time. And if they haven't been able to remove him by then, well, then, there's some other interests that they have here, whether or not he's a flight risk. I take it, by the way, that there's been an acceptance by the INS that there hasn't been a flight risk. Am I correct? ANDREW EHRLICH: Yes. MARGARET MARSHALL: He is no longer a flight risk? ANDREW EHRLICH: Mr. Tan's probation officer, in fact, certifies that he's not a flight risk. MARGARET MARSHALL: But in their last letter to Mr. Tan, they focused only on-- and of course, I will ask the INS this. But I take it they are only now focusing on his dangerousness. ANDREW EHRLICH: That's correct, Chief Justice Marshall. And because his removal is, in fact, impracticable, and because Mr. Tan's dangerousness did not receive proper procedural review-- MARGARET MARSHALL: But if it were to receive proper procedure review-- in other words, if there were determination that he, in fact, is no longer dangerous to the community-- he might be released. So doesn't he have the opportunity to make that case to the INS, to the appropriate authorities? ANDREW EHRLICH: He did not have the case, Chief Justice Marshall. MARGARET MARSHALL: But now he does. There's a new set of regulations that give him all kinds of opportunities to come in and persuade somebody that he is, in fact, no longer a danger to the community. ANDREW EHRLICH: Several points in response to that, Justice Marshall-- first of all, Mr. Tan, regardless of the new regulations, never had an individualized finding of dangerousness. During the removal period-- MARGARET MARSHALL: What do you mean by an "individualized finding of dangerousness?" They, in fact, say, "we conclude that you are still a risk to the community." ANDREW EHRLICH: The burden was on Mr. Tan to prove, by a clear and convincing standard, that he was not dangerous. He was saddled with the almost insurmountable burden. WILLIAM FLETCHER: That may be a heavy burden-- JOHN NEWMAN: Is that an unconstitutional burden, to have to prove that you're not a danger? ANDREW EHRLICH: Without a valid individualized finding in the first instance, Your Honor, we believe that it is. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Why is that not individualized? I understand that it may be a heavy burden. But is the heavy burden placed individually upon him? And at least so far, the INS is not satisfied that he has complied with the burden. But that sounds individualized to me. Are you arguing something else, when you're saying not individualized? ANDREW EHRLICH: Justice Fletcher, as an initial matter, during the removal period, the INS decided to detain Mr. Tan following the 90 days. They never had an initial proceeding to determine whether or not he was, in fact, dangerous or a flight risk. They presumed that. Then, they asked Mr. Tan, at six-month intervals, to prove, in fact, that he is neither of those things. And we believe that given-- MARGARET MARSHALL: [INAUDIBLE] But in fact, as I read their last letter to him, they've pretty well said that he's satisfied his burden. So presumably, he can satisfy his burden with respect to some things. They, in fact, say-- they implied it anyway-- that he's no longer a flight risk. He's got his probation officer to come and say he's no longer a flight risk. And they don't seem to challenge that any longer. ANDREW EHRLICH: Justice Marshall, there is uncontroverted evidence on that point. There is very much disputed evidence. And the rather cursory letters issued by the District Director do not speak to anything other than his criminal history. And the INS's own regulations indicate the criminal history is not-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Oh, OK, you've been reprimanded a couple of times for threatening to assault detainees in the detention facilities. So that's not just his criminal record. It may or may not be an adequate record. But again, that seems to me a rather factual determination, rather than a challenge to the actual procedure. ANDREW EHRLICH: No, we believe that, first of all, because of the burden he was saddled with combined with the presumption, in addition to the fact that there was not an impartial adjudicator in this case, but rather an INS bureaucrat deciding these questions-- MARGARET MARSHALL: I don't know whether she or he is a bureaucrat. JOHN NEWMAN: Is that unconstitutional? Is that unconstitutional to have an executive branch employee make the decision? ANDREW EHRLICH: Chief Justice Newman, it wouldn't be unconstitutional, except for the fact that we have to look at the nature of the interest at stake. Mr. Tan's liberty is at stake. And this court has held in Kansas v. Hendricks and the United States versus Salerno-- MARGARET MARSHALL: All kinds of liberty interests the citizens are faced with, for example legislation as a sexual offender, I can think of lots of liberty interest there. And believe me, they're agency "employees" not bureaucrats. You're making that determination. You're saying all of those statutes go out the books, too? ANDREW EHRLICH: Chief Justice Marshall, we're not saying that those procedures were actually unconstitutional. I see that my time has elapsed. If I may conclude, the INS is asking this court to take a radical departure from what were previously accepted notions of due process and liberty. And we ask this court to reject that unwise course. JOHN NEWMAN: Can I ask you one thing? I won't take it out of his colleague's time. You're asking us to say that what's happened here violates substantive due process. ANDREW EHRLICH: Yes, Chief Justice Newman. JOHN NEWMAN: What is your standard that we should apply in determining that substantive due process has been violated? ANDREW EHRLICH: We would ask you to submit the liberty interest to a heightened standard of review. This court has-- JOHN NEWMAN: Well, that's-- yeah, but "heightened" doesn't tell me what to do with it. Now, oh, it's "heightened." Then, what do I do? What is the standard? You want me to say it violates substantive due process. Because it what? Shocks my conscience? Violates the standards of ordered liberty? Because it what? What is it that puts it over the pale? ANDREW EHRLICH: Because it's indefinite and excessive in relation to the regulatory goals that the INS professes, which is removal. JOHN NEWMAN: So it's a balancing test? We weigh the government interest in holding him and his discomfort in being held? ANDREW EHRLICH: As the court did in Jackson versus Indiana, O'Connor versus Donaldson, Youngberg versus Romeo, applying that test, looking at the government interest, which the only valid primary interest here is, in fact, removal, dangerousness-- MARGARET MARSHALL: And [? unity protection. ?] ANDREW EHRLICH: Which are secondary interests. If Mr. Tan were a legal permanent resident, who is not subject to removal order, dangerousness alone would not be a valid reason for his continued detention. So we do that balancing inquiry. And we find that the detention violates the substantive under the due process clause. JOHN NEWMAN: All right, thank you, Mr. Ehrlich. We'll hear your colleague. What'd I miss? MARGARET MARSHALL: It's a cafe next door. JOHN NEWMAN: Oh. BILL MCSWAIN: Mr. Chief Justice, and may it please the Court, my name is Bill McSwain. I represent the petitioner, Mr. Kim Tan, in this proceeding. And I will be addressing the statutory issues in this case. And we'll be arguing that the revised INA does not grant the INS the statutory authority to detain Mr. Tan any further. Now, very briefly, I'd like to sketch the main thrust of my argument for the court. As my co-counsel, Mr. Erlich, has already explained, we believe that Mr. Tan's arbitrary and indefinite imprisonment is, in fact, unconstitutional. MARGARET MARSHALL: What is arbitrary about his imprisonment? BILL MCSWAIN: Justice Marshall, we believe it's arbitrary-- MARGARET MARSHALL: I mean, you didn't have a group of INS agents just going out on the street, and yanking him in, and putting him in a detention center. Something happened. BILL MCSWAIN: Correct, there is a valid deportation order. But because there is no repatriation agreement with Vietnam, and, in fact, removal is not possible-- MARGARET MARSHALL: But there are not repatriation agreements with lots and lots of countries. BILL MCSWAIN: Justice Marshall, I agree that it's not arbitrary, in the sense that we're just yanking people off the street. But our position is that, because removal is not possible, it's arbitrary to violate Mr. Tan's fundamental liberty interest in this manner. If I may go on and summarize my own argument, the well-established doctrine of constitutional doubt counsels this court to construe the revised INA in a manner that avoids the serious constitutional concerns in this case. JOHN NEWMAN: We can construe an ambiguous statute that way. Can we construe this statute that way? BILL MCSWAIN: Chief Justice Newman, you can construe this statute this way. JOHN NEWMAN: Because it's so ambiguous? BILL MCSWAIN: The chief [? statute ?] provision at issue in this case, of course, is 8 U.S.C. Section 1231 A6, which states that aliens like Mr. Tan "may be detained beyond the removal period." JOHN NEWMAN: Where is the ambiguity? BILL MCSWAIN: Well, the ambiguity is that, under the first step of the two-part Chevron framework that this court must apply, the question for the court is whether Congress has directly spoken on the exact statutory issue in this case. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, they certainly said something. BILL MCSWAIN: They certainly said something, Chief Justice Newman. But they have not said specifically that indefinite detention is authorized. MARGARET MARSHALL: But they have not placed any outer limit on the discretion granted to the Attorney General. Now, that may have all kinds of other problems. But it seems to me that the statute-- Congress certainly knew, I assume, that there were lots of countries that didn't have repatriation agreements with the United States. So they knew that the Attorney General would have a problem on her hands. And they didn't specify an outer limit. BILL MCSWAIN: Justice Marshall, I have two responses to that. First of all, the mere fact that there is no explicit cap to the length of detention contemplated by Section 1231 A6 does not mean that indefinite detention is unambiguously authorized. In other words, the plain meaning of the word "beyond" does not necessarily mean indefinitely, or permanently, or as necessary until removal from the United States, no matter how long that takes, or whether that would even be accomplished at all. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Well, the plain meaning question, in a sense, is, what's the plain meaning of silence? They don't say how far beyond. And what are we supposed to make of the fact that it merely says beyond? I have a different statutory question, which may lead us into an uncomfortable territory. I have the statue here in front of me, A6. And I have trouble with the word "or." The statute reads, "An alien ordered removed, who is inadmissible under section 1182 under this title, removable under section--" da, da, da-- "this title, or who has been determined by the Attorney General to be a risk [INAUDIBLE] unlikely to comply with the order of removal." Shouldn't that be "and?" That is to say, as I read that, the plain meaning says, the determination as to risk or unable to comply is a separate provision. BILL MCSWAIN: I think that the proper interpretation of the statute there, Justice Fletcher, is that the statute is saying, if you fall into certain categories, like if you have a certain criminal conviction like Mr. Tan has, you automatically can be detained beyond the removal period. In addition, if you're not somebody who has been convicted of such a crime, if there is an affirmative finding that you are a flight risk or that you are dangerous, you indeed can be detained beyond the removal period. So "or" actually makes sense there. But I think-- WILLIAM FLETCHER: If "or" makes sense there, then why are we having these determinations as to Mr. Tan? BILL MCSWAIN: Justice Fletcher, I do not dispute the fact that Mr. Tan may be detained beyond the removal period. What I dispute is that the statute authorizes indefinite detention. And I think I can best demonstrate my argument by way of example. Let's say, for example, that I come to the end of my argument, at the end of my time arguing in front of the court. And I'm continuing to answer a question. And I ask the court for additional time. JOHN NEWMAN: That could happen. BILL MCSWAIN: It very well could happen. MARGARET MARSHALL: Some of us might think that you could go on indefinitely. And you might try and test that. BILL MCSWAIN: That's precisely my point, Justice Marshall. If the court were to say to me, "Mr. McSwain, you may continue speaking beyond the allotted time period, does that unambiguously authorize me to speak indefinitely?" MARGARET MARSHALL: If I were you, I'd say yes. BILL MCSWAIN: Well, Justice Marshall, actually, I'd say it doesn't. And the reason it doesn't is because that's not what you would have meant. Within the context and the purpose of what you were telling me, the mere fact that you used the word "beyond" does not mean that I can unambiguously stand up here and talk forever. JOHN NEWMAN: Well OK, let's go with your argument that "beyond" doesn't mean forever. What makes you think it means less than 17 months? BILL MCSWAIN: My point, Chief Justice Newman, is that, because "beyond" does not mean forever and because "beyond" does not mean indefinitely, the statute is ambiguous. So the proper thing for this court to do is to leave Chevron Step One behind and move to the Constitutional Doubt Doctrine. And I'd like to discuss the Constitutional Doubt Doctrine in more detail. JOHN NEWMAN: Why do we rush to the constitutional question? Why don't we just look for a meaning that doesn't even come near a constitutional problem, but is at least 17 months? BILL MCSWAIN: That's exactly what we would argue that the court should do. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, then you lose. Because he hasn't been beyond 17 months. We'd just affirm and perhaps without prejudice to renewal, when the magic moment has been reached. BILL MCSWAIN: I'm sorry. I misunderstood your question. We would submit that the 17-month time period is unconstitutional for two reasons. One is the absolute length of detention. But that's not the chief reason. The chief reason is because the detention is indefinite. And on this record, we cannot say that there is any likelihood of removal here. MARGARET MARSHALL: Forget about the deportation, but there is an opportunity for somebody in your client's position to be released from detention and not repatriated, correct? If they are no longer a flight risk or if they are no longer a danger to the community, he has an opportunity to show that. Doesn't that mean it's not indefinite? BILL MCSWAIN: He has an opportunity to show that, Justice Marshall. And as my co-counsel explained, the procedures, in this case, we believe, do not meet constitutional scrutiny. But really, the point of me standing in front of you today is to explain to you how you can construe the statute in a manner that avoids all these difficult constitutional concerns. I understand the Court's-- WILLIAM FLETCHER: Hasn't it been construed for us by the regulations? We're talking Chevron. Why don't the regulations resolve the ambiguity, assuming there is one? BILL MCSWAIN: Assuming there is an ambiguity, which there definitely is, Justice Fletcher, the reason that the regulations do not answer the question is because that is the INS interpretation. And an INS interpretation properly belongs in Chevron Step Two, whereas the Doctrine of Constitutional Doubt, as this Court explained very clearly in DeBartolo, supersedes Step Two of the Chevron Analysis. Therefore, what this court should do is it should construe the statute in a way that avoids these constitutional concerns before reaching Chevron Step Two. MARGARET MARSHALL: How would you suggest we do that? BILL MCSWAIN: I suggest that you adopt the same construction that the [? SoC ?] Court recently adopted in the Eastern District of California. And that is that Mr. Tan's imprisonment is only authorized when there is a reasonable possibility that removal is foreseeable. MARGARET MARSHALL: And who makes that determination? BILL MCSWAIN: The determination of whether removal is foreseeable-- MARGARET MARSHALL: As I understand the submissions to this court-- and I assume that they are serious submissions-- the INS would say there is at least no possibility. BILL MCSWAIN: Well, the INS would certainly say that. But that is for the court to decide, Justice Marshall. And again and again, we see that courts have undertaken this exact inquiry. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, some have, but what I want to know from you is, do you really think it's appropriate for a court to be doing fact-finding on the likelihood of the executive branch concluding a treaty with a sovereign state? Is that judicial business? BILL MCSWAIN: Arguably, Chief Justice Newman, what that involves is pure speculation. And that's my point is that there's no way to say with any certainty that there will be an agreement. So therefore, the detention is-- JOHN NEWMAN: Oh, is that really so? It's pure speculation? I mean, I assume, if the record said the ambassadors have met, they've got everything straightened out, except one tiny little nit, and they're going to meet tomorrow morning on that one, any reasonable person would say, of course, it's likely there's going to be a treaty by the end of the week. It wouldn't be sheer speculation. BILL MCSWAIN: In that situation, Chief Justice Newman, it would be a very different case. And it would be a very different record. JOHN NEWMAN: But my question to you is, should we be in the business at all of deciding those probabilities? Is that judicial business, to be deciding the likelihood of treaty consummation? BILL MCSWAIN: Chief Justice Newman, it is an uncontroversial finding that courts who have considered the removal of aliens like Mr. Tan who are attempting to being sent back to Vietnam, in fact, have found the detention to be indefinite. That's not the controversial question. The controversial question is whether or not it's unconstitutional. Clearly, it is indefinite. But again, I would like to move on-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Just clarify one question for me. Assuming that there is a repatriation agreement entered into with Vietnam, does that mean that Vietnam has agreed to take back Mr. Tan? BILL MCSWAIN: Not necessarily, Justice Marshall. And you make an excellent point. If we look at Germany's experience with Vietnam, which we cite in our brief, in fact, Germany does have an agreement with Vietnam and has tried to send back thousands of aliens back to Vietnam. And Vietnam has not cooperated in a manner that you would expect based on their repatriation agreement. And there are many there are many thousands of Vietnamese aliens still in Germany, even though Germany has a repatriation agreement. But if I could, I would just like to move on to clarify a bit about the Constitutional Doubt Doctrine itself. WILLIAM FLETCHER: I think I understand the doctrine. I want to ask a somewhat different question, if I may. I'm trying to figure out what Congress had in mind in adopting this language. And we see that, at an earlier time, there was a longer than a 90-day period. They've cut back to the 90 days, but, in certain circumstances. allowed detention beyond the 90 days. We all know that Congress, in passing these statutes, intended to be harsher. Without resort for the moment to these, as it were, artificial constructions that help us construe statutes, I'm trying to figure out what Congress had in mind. As I read the statute, they meant beyond and a good long way beyond. BILL MCSWAIN: Justice Fletcher, that's an excellent question. What was on Congress's mind? And it's clear, when you look at the House report and the Senate report that has to do with the criminal alien provisions in the INA, what was on Congress's mind was the quick and cost effective removal of as many aliens as possible, who can be removed. What was not on Congress's-- MARGARET MARSHALL: That doesn't exactly address why they distinguished between those aliens who'd committed aggravated felonies as opposed to those who hadn't. I mean, if that were the only purpose on Congress's mind, they would presumably have included everybody in one category. BILL MCSWAIN: Well, it certainly wasn't their only purpose, Justice Marshall. There were many purposes on Congress's mind. But in our brief, we, cite the authoritative documents. The House report and the Senate report respondents only cite scattered congressional floor statements for their proposition that indefinite detention was actually on Congress's mind. They only cite two congressional floor statements, one by Senator Kennedy, who was debating a completely different piece of legislation than the revised INA, and then a statement by Senator Chiles, which was given 11 years for the passage of the revised INA. In contrast-- JOHN NEWMAN: Do you really mean Congress didn't want this person held beyond 17 months? Or do you mean they probably did, but we ought to save them from making such a bad decision? BILL MCSWAIN: What I mean, Chief Justice Newman, is that this wasn't on Congress's mind. JOHN NEWMAN: Was not? BILL MCSWAIN: Was not on Congress's mind. JOHN NEWMAN: They didn't think about it one way or the other? BILL MCSWAIN: Conceivably, what they might have been thinking about was the treatment of excludable aliens. MARGARET MARSHALL: What about Deputy Attorney General Jamie Gorelick saying, "obtaining travel documents is labor intensive and takes considerable time?" BILL MCSWAIN: Exactly, Justice Marshall. You're referring to the [? SoC ?] opinion. And in that opinion, actually, the judge said very clearly that what that legislative history demonstrated-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Well, that's his interpretation. But I mean, that's really not much use to us, is it? BILL MCSWAIN: Well, what that letter assumed was that there was a reasonable possibility that removal would be foreseeable. Now, I would like to explain exactly how the INS interpretation here frustrates the congressional purpose. And the reason it frustrates the congressional purpose is because it makes no sense to waste valuable and limited INS detention space on aliens who cannot be removed. Now, the average stay-- WILLIAM FLETCHER: It makes no sense to whom? BILL MCSWAIN: Excuse me, Justice? WILLIAM FLETCHER: It makes no sense to whom? BILL MCSWAIN: It makes no sense, when you look at the purpose of the statute as evidenced by the legislative history and as evidenced by the text of the statute itself. Now, the average stay of an alien in INS detention who can be removed is about a month and a half. Therefore, for every year that Mr. Tan languishes in prison, eight other aliens could have been processed using that same limited detention space that Mr. Tan was taking up. WILLIAM FLETCHER: I must say, I don't find that argument very compelling. Because that argument tells me that all kinds of penalogical policies make no sense. Because you imprison someone for life, well, he occupies space for a very long time. BILL MCSWAIN: Well, I assume you're talking about in the actual criminal conviction context. WILLIAM FLETCHER: But it seems to me that Congress very well could have had in mind-- and it would have made sense to Congress-- that, in the circumstance of Mr. Tan or someone like him, Congress would have very much intended that he should be there for quite a long time. BILL MCSWAIN: Justice Fletcher, it is very possible that maybe this was on Congress's mind. There's no affirmative evidence of it. But the key to the Constitutional Doubt Doctrine is that this court must respect Congress and must respect the fact that Congress presumably legislates within constitutional limits. That is the genesis. MARGARET MARSHALL: It certainly legislates within constitutional limits. But it doesn't mean to say it makes sane, rational decisions every day, does it? BILL MCSWAIN: Regrettably, Congress does not always make sane, rational decisions. I see that my time to close-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Of course, I have great respect for the other branch of government. And I would never suggest that that's my view of whether they make decisions that-- BILL MCSWAIN: I would just like to leave this court with this final thought. What this case really boils down to, when you distill it to its elements, is constitutional doubt. Because this court should construe statutes in a way that assumes that Congress legislates within constitutional limits. Therefore, the careful and judicially prudent thing to do here is to construe the INA in a manner that avoids constitutional doubts. I thank the court for its time. JOHN NEWMAN: All right, thank you, Mr. McSwain. Turn to the respondent. PETER STRIS: Mr. Chief Justice, and may it please the Court. To avoid any confusion, I'd like to briefly observe that I'm going to deal with petitioners' threshold statutory question. JOHN NEWMAN: Your name? PETER STRIS: I'm sorry, my name is Peter Stris. I didn't mean to infer that you should know that, Your Honor. I'll be dealing with petitioners' statutory challenge. And my colleague, Ms. Gelfond, will explain why his continued detention does not violate the United States Constitution. As Mr. McSwain noted, the relevant statutory provision in today's case is section 1231 A6 of Title 8. And it's set out on page six of our brief. He also noted-- MARGARET MARSHALL: You think that we should conclude that it was Congress's clear intent that Mr. Tan could spend the rest of his living days, all 82 years, in a detention center, correct? PETER STRIS: Yes. And that's what all members of Congress had in mind when they enacted the statute? Yes, Your Honor. WILLIAM FLETCHER: All of them? PETER STRIS: Well, I don't want to speak for every single member of Congress. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Do we need more than a majority on this one? PETER STRIS: I don't think we do. I appreciate the help, Justice Fletcher. In all seriousness, I do believe that was Congress's intent, Justice Marshall. And there's the provision, because of the excellent procedures that were put in place by the INS, that my colleague will talk about, for any alien, like Mr. Tan, to convince the INS that he is no longer dangerous. And if he is no longer dangerous-- MARGARET MARSHALL: He can't do that. I mean, he just can't do it. Because he is dangerous. And you just say, if he can't convince the INS that he's dangerous, and that he's a flight risk, tough. PETER STRIS: That's correct. I think it's reasonable to assume-- MARGARET MARSHALL: That that's not punishment? PETER STRIS: No, it's not. And my colleague will deal with that at length. I'm happy to answer any constitutional questions that you have. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, if he's going to have to at length persuade us of that constitutional question, then why don't we come back to your point and suggest to you, as your adversary has, that we ought not get into that at-length constitutional demonstration and construe this statute narrowly? PETER STRIS: I think the answer to that question, Mr. Chief Justice, is that the Constitutional Doubt Doctrine would mean nothing, if the court were to hear the merits of the constitutional claim first, before it then went on to determine whether or not-- JOHN NEWMAN: Well, it would be-- I would agree with you-- if we were to decide the merits of it. I'm not sure hearing it puts us in dangerous territory. PETER STRIS: Well, I respectfully would disagree, Your Honor. Because if you hear the merits of the claim-- JOHN NEWMAN: We hear all kinds of arguments that, in the end, we don't accept. PETER STRIS: That's true. However, it really would amount to stealth constitutionalism, if this court were to hear the merits of a claim and use its determination, based upon its full hearing of the merits of the claim, to then avoid its determination. JOHN NEWMAN: Just hearing that it's substantial. Courts have to distinguish all the time between substantial arguments and insubstantial ones. That doesn't mean they decide the merits of them. PETER STRIS: I would submit that that's not the proper way that the court has not done this in the past. However, insofar as this Court-- JOHN NEWMAN: Well, what is the doctrine of avoiding constitutional doubt mean, if it doesn't mean that? PETER STRIS: I believe if Rust v. Sullivan and this Court's recent decision of Almendarez-Torres mean anything, it means that, if this Court believes two things-- number one, that there truly is an ambiguous statute with two possible interpretations, both of which the statute can bear, and number two, this court believes that, when they look at one interpretation, it is unconstitutional-- JOHN NEWMAN: But they've given us two arguable interpretations. One is that "beyond" means forever. And the other is that "beyond" means considerably less than forever. And I think they tie it to some reasonable foreseeability of the consummation of a treaty. Those are two readings, aren't they? PETER STRIS: They're two readings. I believe only one of them is supported by the text and history of this statute. MARGARET MARSHALL: But there's at least one court that doesn't agree with you. JOHN NEWMAN: The text helps you decide, though, between those two? Which word in the text tilts it one way or the other? PETER STRIS: I'm happy to answer that question. I would like to quickly answer Justice Marshall's question. JOHN NEWMAN: Oh, go ahead. PETER STRIS: Which is, yes, one court, the Eastern District of California, in [? SoC, ?] has held what you suggest. Every other federal court to hear the issue-- MARGARET MARSHALL: But that makes it sound as if there are hundreds and hundreds, there are not. PETER STRIS: I suppose that's true. But I have at least 20 in front of me that I happen to have written down. MARGARET MARSHALL: Those are the herd of sheep that are going following each other. I'll tell you what happens. The law clerk looks it up. And the law clerk cites it and gives it to the judge. And the judge says, sounds like to me, and then, fortunately, you get an independent-minded judge out there in California-- I know it's California-- the judge says, wait a minute, can we go back and read the statute? And does this expressly give the Attorney General the unlimited power to detain people forever? PETER STRIS: Well, let me answer the Chief Justice's question. MARGARET MARSHALL: [INAUDIBLE] PETER STRIS: I certainly would not answer yours. So I'm going to move on to the text of the statute. I think the text does help us, Your Honor. Because the text provides "may be detained beyond the removal period." And this is a grant of discretion to the INS. There is no limiting language in this statute. It doesn't say, maybe detain beyond the removal period for a few weeks, for a reasonable period of time, as long as it's foreseeable that an individual will be repatriated to his home country. And it's clear that Congress knew how to place those sort of limits in this statute when it wanted to. Look at the Standard Provision, 1231 A1a. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Now, I know I'm no longer in California. But I'll hazard the following question. Under what constitutional head of power has this statute been adopted? PETER STRIS: This statute has been adopted under the discretion of the Attorney General, I assume, the executive branch, you're talking. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Under what constitutional head of power has Congress adopted this statute? PETER STRIS: I guess I don't understand what you mean by "constitutional head of power." WILLIAM FLETCHER: Congress, under Article I, has various heads of power, commerce clause, and so on, under which it enacts statutes. Under what head of power has this statute been adopted? PETER STRIS: It's pursuant to their plenary power. I don't know. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Well, the answer is there's a head of power dealing with immigration and exclusion matters. What I'm after then, once we get to that point, is, well, at what point, as we read this statute and its possible implementation, is the continued imprisonment of someone like Mr. Tan no longer in furtherance of that power and perhaps in some furtherance of some general desire of criminal punishment? I mean, is there some-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Well, keeping a community safe or not being a flight risk. WILLIAM FLETCHER: I'm trying to figure out what they think they're doing. And is there some way of construing the statutory language in front of me? PETER STRIS: OK, I understand your question. I think that the answer to that question, unfortunately, would force this court to delve into the constitutional issue before it. However-- WILLIAM FLETCHER: Well, not necessarily. I'm trying to figure out what they thought they were doing. PETER STRIS: Well, I believe that they thought that they had a reasonable regulatory purpose, which was protecting the community from dangerous criminal aliens. JOHN NEWMAN: What does the statute, as you read it, literally permit the government to do with the person who's stateless? PETER STRIS: A person who is stateless would be in the exact same situation. JOHN NEWMAN: Where would you repatriate him? PETER STRIS: They'd be in the same situation as a deportable criminal alien from Laos, or from Cambodia-- any country with which the United States does not have a repatriation agreement and is not attempting to negotiate. JOHN NEWMAN: With those countries, there is some prospect-- and perhaps, the State Department may give us some assurance of the likelihood of a treaty-- if he's stateless, what assurance could there possibly be? PETER STRIS: I would submit, Your Honor, that the likelihood is similar. I mean, I'd also put before you the situation-- JOHN NEWMAN: He's zero, in your view? PETER STRIS: Very close to that. JOHN NEWMAN: So therefore, the statute means that, if you happen to have a person who is stateless and deportable, you can hold him for his life. PETER STRIS: I believe that's the case. And I'd point you to the Mariel Cubans, Your Honor. JOHN NEWMAN: Why do you push us that far? Why do you want to give it that sweeping a reading? PETER STRIS: Well, it's not that I want to-- JOHN NEWMAN: Your guy's been in 17 months. PETER STRIS: I do believe that that's what Congress intended. I need not push you that far. Because it's our position that, even if this court reads a reasonableness cap, whether it be a period of years, a period of months, a reasonable period of time, that's met in this case. And I think-- MARGARET MARSHALL: It stresses that any limitation on Congress-- let me give you a different example. Congress has all these deportable aliens. They're all stateless. It doesn't want to spend any good taxpayer dollars on detention centers. Because it [INAUDIBLE] all the other people in. So it takes a whole truckload of people and takes them down to the Long Island Sound or to the Florida beaches and says, walk. PETER STRIS: Obviously, that would not be constitutional. And it wouldn't be authorized by the statute. MARGARET MARSHALL: Why? PETER STRIS: Because Congress, when they legislate and they pass a statute like this, they don't speak to every issue. They didn't speak to the procedures that are required either. However, whenever they institute a statute like this, they presume that the agency that's in charge of the statute will use procedures that are constitutional. MARGARET MARSHALL: Does it make any difference to reviewing court that the nature of what Congress authorized should happen? Makes any difference-- in this case, they said, lock them up and throw the key away, as I understand your argument. Does it make a difference to us that we should take that into consideration, as opposed to, for example, putting them all on Martha's Vineyard in another alternative? PETER STRIS: Well, I don't think I would accept the characterization of lock them all up and throw away the key. Because when they-- JUSTICE MARSHALL: But you just told me that that was OK to do. PETER STRIS: It was OK. In other words, they gave that sort of broad discretion to the INS. Because to interpret the statute any other way would require this court to sanction the wholesale release of Mariel Cubans, of stateless aliens, as the Chief Justice pointed to a moment ago, aliens from countries with which we had no repatriation agreement. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Are you sure you mean that, as to Mariel Cubans? Aren't they in a different category? Aren't they excludables? PETER STRIS: Not for the purpose of this statute, Justice Fletcher. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Are you saying that excludables and deporteds are the same? PETER STRIS: They're certainly not the same. But for the purpose of the statute, they are. In section 1229 AE2, Congress removed any distinction between inadmissible aliens, like the Mariel Cubans, and deportable aliens, like our petitioner. And the statute at issue, Section 1231 A6, uses the language "may be detained beyond the removal period" to apply similarly to excludable aliens and to deportable aliens. So we can't interpret Congress's intent differently, as per the Mariel Cubans, as per someone like petitioner. WILLIAM FLETCHER: And I'm to construe this statute as if they had never read the Supreme Court's decision in Plasencia? PETER STRIS: I believe there's a presumption that Congress is aware of, and there is some sort of dialogue, between the judiciary and certainly Supreme Court decisions and the decisions it makes. After all, there's a subcommittee specifically in the Senate and the House on immigration. So that doesn't refer to a Plasencia case. But I think that it's reasonable for this court to assume that Congress was aware that the federal courts were interpreting its predecessor statute to authorize indefinite detention of individuals, such as the Mariel Cubans, such as aliens who could not be deported because there was no repatriation agreement. And their silence should be read as intending what-- you say I pushed the court too far. Because I don't need to go that far. But I really do believe that Congress intended that, when they passed this statute. Also, they had the CFRs before them of the INS interpreting the old statute. They had the CFR of the INS interpreting this statute. And it was clear-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Maybe you could address Deputy Attorney General Jamie Gorelick's representation to Congress, which doesn't seem to me to be asking for the right for the Attorney General to detain somebody forever. I mean, essentially what she seems to be saying-- and that's notwithstanding one court has suggested-- that she seems to be saying, look, 90 days, that's fine, but give us a break, OK? I mean, there's paperwork, there's some procedure. That doesn't sound like 80 years in prison to me. PETER STRIS: Well, respectfully Your Honor, if for no other reason but to avoid having this court think of me as an ogre, I was not suggesting that in the majority of cases, or even in many cases, criminal aliens were going to be detained for 80 years and have the key thrown away. That would only be in the rare case, where a criminal alien continued to behave in a way, such as Mr. Tan, where he continued to do something, such as threaten sexual assault, and the INS said, you're too dangerous to release. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, when you say, "threaten sexual assault," are we supposed to make any review decision on what he's been doing lately? PETER STRIS: Well, I believe that the district court's finding of fact included that. And that would be reviewable. JOHN NEWMAN: Is that within the grant of cert? PETER STRIS: I don't believe that it is within the grant of cert. But of course, you can-- JOHN NEWMAN: Well, if it's not, then why should we pay any attention to that point at all? PETER STRIS: Well, it's significant, I believe, Your Honor, in terms of interpreting this statute and the intent of the INS. Justice Marshall asked me a moment earlier, what is the true intent of the INS? And what did they intend to authorize? And I was suggesting that they only intended to authorize the detention of criminal aliens who did not convince them that they were no longer dangerous. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Now, that might mean, in certain circumstances, at least under the procedures as I now see in place, that he may remain imprisoned until he is 70 years old and decrepit. PETER STRIS: That's true, yes. And I believe that the statute seems to authorize that on its face. The fact that Congress has not responded to the CFRs or responded to a virtual unanimous interpretation of its prior statute, and the fact that the agency is interpreting it that way. I mean, you suggest otherwise. However, their are CFR reads that they're going to-- MARGARET MARSHALL: I'm not suggesting that there's no other expression of a different interest. It's just that it seems, at least to me, that there's some-- I don't want to use the term ambiguity. But one could look at different pieces. Because there were a series of statutory changes. There were different kinds of hearings. There were different kinds of statements made by different players. PETER STRIS: Well, that moves us on to another issue, which is, if there is ambiguity, what does this court do? I was answering your earlier question, which is, what did the INS intend? This question seems to go to the notion of, well, what if there's two possible interpretations? And I would submit that-- MARGARET MARSHALL: We don't have to look to what Congress intended, if, in fact, the statute is unambiguous, correct? PETER STRIS: Yes. MARGARET MARSHALL: We don't even have to look at that. But the fact that we're all talking about it suggests to me that perhaps we may think that it is a little bit ambiguous. PETER STRIS: Well, insofar as that's the case, we would urge you to defer to the INS, who is clearly interpreting the statute to authorize what, in some cases, would amount to indefinite detention. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, if your view is it's clear, does it clearly authorize the continued detention of a person who has been arbitrarily found to be a danger? PETER STRIS: Well, someone who was arbitrarily found to be a danger-- I don't think it would authorize detention of them in the first place. JOHN NEWMAN: Oh, because we would be so confident the INS would never do that? Is that the reason? Have they never made an arbitrary decision in their long history? PETER STRIS: Well, that's probably not the case, Your Honor. JOHN NEWMAN: I don't think it is. PETER STRIS: Insofar as they did do that in a given case, I would hope that the individual could then convince the INS that they are no longer dangerous. If they weren't dangerous in the first place, it shouldn't be that difficult-- JOHN NEWMAN: So your reading of the statute is the length of detention has been given to the unreviewable discretion of the INS, is that right? PETER STRIS: Well, it's certainly not unreviewable. I believe the INS's determination that someone is dangerous-- JOHN NEWMAN: Well, when I put to you an arbitrary decision-- I didn't spell it out-- the implication was that it was a decision which, if reviewable, some court would object to. PETER STRIS: Right. JOHN NEWMAN: But, I take it, your point is Congress took the risk of an arbitrary decision by the administrator. PETER STRIS: Well, I think that's true all of the time. There's always the risk that an agency will abuse a statute. And there's certainly the provision for review of the INS's determination of danger. JOHN NEWMAN: Judicial review or administrative review? PETER STRIS: Administrative review, Your Honor. JOHN NEWMAN: So you read the statute to mean there can be detention without judicial review of the reasonableness of the fact finding as to dangerousness, right? PETER STRIS: Well, I'm not sure that there would be no judicial review. I can't, off the top of my head, think of how it would be reviewed. But if the INS's determination, as to the dangerousness-- JOHN NEWMAN: Well, you're the one telling us the statute is clear. So presumably, you know what it clearly says about that circumstance. PETER STRIS: Well, I think the place that review would come in, Your Honor, is in a procedural due process challenge. I mean, that's judicial review. I was suggesting-- WILLIAM FLETCHER: Are you suggesting that this statute would be constitutional only if there were judicial review of the reasonableness of the INS determination? PETER STRIS: It's probably true that procedural due process would require at least that for anyone. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Well, all require that which we don't have in front of us. PETER STRIS: No, that's not a problem, in this case, Your Honor. Because as we would argue, there are reasonable procedures that will safeguard against the INS [INAUDIBLE]. WILLIAM FLETCHER: As I see it, there's no procedure at all for judicial review, at the moment. PETER STRIS: Well, in doing the procedural due process review itself, I would hope that would safeguard against what Your Honors are suggesting. JOHN NEWMAN: Well then, it sounds like this statute, which started out to be so clear that we didn't have to rein it in because of constitutional doubt, now comes with an outer limit of procedural due process. PETER STRIS: As does any statute, Your Honor, I would submit. JOHN NEWMAN: They all do? PETER STRIS: Any statue, when Congress legislates, it obviously legislates against the backdrop of the Constitution. And if it's delegating discretion to an agency, which is in this case, it presumes that the agency will administer the statute in a constitutional fashion. MARGARET MARSHALL: I take it for these purposes, though, the fact that Mr. Tan was a legal resident makes a difference. Because presumably, somebody coming up on the boat from Cuba doesn't have those kinds of procedural due process rights. PETER STRIS: Well, my colleague will discuss this in a moment. But we believe that this court should measure the procedures he's entitled to, as per that of a Mariel Cuban. Because he was ordered removed. MARGARET MARSHALL: That means almost none. PETER STRIS: That means very little, basically, what Congress would suggest rather, yes. MARGARET MARSHALL: And if Congress says none, that's OK, too. PETER STRIS: Well, I wouldn't go that far. I think even Mariel Cubans requires some procedure. So I see my time has run out. In conclusion, I would suggest that, even if this court found the language not to be clear and deference to the INS inappropriate, a reasonable time period cap read into this statute would still cause this court to reject the petitioner's statutory challenge because he has been detained for a reasonable period of time. Thank you. REBECCA GELFOND: Mr. Chief Justice, and may it please the Court. The Constitution permits Congress to detain dangerous criminal aliens who have been ordered removed and who continue to threaten the safety of the American public. Nothing in the due process clause stands in the way of detaining Mr. Tan while he remains dangerous, and while efforts to secure his repatriation with Vietnam are proceeding. With respect to substantive due process-- MARGARET MARSHALL: With respect to that, again, the question we posed before. How do we know-- how does a reviewing court-- if it's our proceeding, I don't think any court has quite adopted that standard. Good faith, if it's to effectuate departure, maybe, but how do we know that? REBECCA GELFOND: Well, how do we know in this particular case that the efforts to repatriate Mr. Tan are proceeding? MARGARET MARSHALL: Well, we know that the United States has made lots and lots of overtures. REBECCA GELFOND: Correct. MARGARET MARSHALL: Is that enough? So all that's required is that the United States keep sending requests, please, please, please. As far as I know, there's nothing in the record that suggests that Vietnam has responded positively to the United States. Am I correct? REBECCA GELFOND: Although they have not responded, we have, in fact, sent them a draft. MARGARET MARSHALL: As it stands, the answer to my question is there's nothing in the record that Vietnam has indicated, in any way, that it is remotely interested in having any repatriation agreement with the United States. REBECCA GELFOND: Actually, that's not entirely true. If we look back in the beginning of the relations, Vietnam Ambassador [? Lubang ?] indicated that a repatriation agreement might be possible to the extent that, if the United States and Vietnam improve their relationship. That seemed rather clear. Because he indicated that the thing standing in the way of a repatriation agreement was the lack of relations with Vietnam. And a year later, after that conversation, we lifted the embargo with Vietnam. And then-- MARGARET MARSHALL: With respect to the efforts that the United States is pursuing in any event, we haven't heard anything back. But if I understand your constitutional argument, there has to be something going on. In other words, that's a necessary prerequisite to our finding the statute constitutional? REBECCA GELFOND: I do not suggest that that is, in fact, necessary. In this particular case, I believe that a repatriation agreement will, in fact, occur with Vietnam. Because there's nothing in the record to suggest that one will not eventually be reached. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, whose view do we take? You say you're confident. And I'm sure you are. We don't have the view of the State Department. And that's the agency of the executive branch that really ought to be telling us the likelihood of a treaty, isn't it? REBECCA GELFOND: Well, to the extent that the INS deals very closely with repatriation agreements, with respect to the actual deportation and removal process, it seems to me that the INS is due some deference with respect to that decision, especially given the fact that it is a political decision. And the last-- JOHN NEWMAN: That's my point. The fact that it's a political decision, I would have thought, counsels us in waiting for the views of the key political agency and drawing some inference for lack of such a position by the State Department. Certainly, you don't want us to decide the likelihood of a treaty, do you? REBECCA GELFOND: No, the judiciary would be the last branch that I would suggest to decide this, solely because of the fact that this treaty is a political question. JOHN NEWMAN: All right, that's important. So you would say the likelihood of the treaty is not even judicial business. It's political question, right? REBECCA GELFOND: Indeed. JOHN NEWMAN: All right then, if it's political question, to whom do we look to decide whether the circumstances have a sufficient likelihood of treaty consummation to justify continued detention? REBECCA GELFOND: I would suggest looking at the relevant facts available here. JOHN NEWMAN: Oh, if we look at the relevant facts, we're back in the business of deciding likelihood, which I thought you said we're not supposed to do, and to which I'm rather sympathetic. REBECCA GELFOND: Right, but to the extent that the INS, which is part of the executive branch, did enter into a joint stipulation-- JOHN NEWMAN: But they're in the business of deporting people and holding people pending deportation. The State Department's in the business of negotiating treaties. So why on Earth would we pay the slightest bit of attention to the INS's view of treaty issue, which is being used to justify the holding of a resident alien? REBECCA GELFOND: Well, I would suggest, beyond merely the INS view, we should look to the joint stipulation to the undisputed facts here, that there is absolutely no indication that an agreement with Vietnam will not take place. But even if you were-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Let me ask you a different question. I'll concede that. It's imminent. You've made a representation to this court. It's imminent. I hope you are correct. When you make a representation to the court, you better be right, so that we don't have you back here in 15 years time with me asking you what you meant by "imminent." But why do I even look at that question? In other words, what's the constitutional problem? If it isn't imminent, if the man is stateless, if there's no likelihood of repatriation, what difference does that make to me? REBECCA GELFOND: Well, even if you were to assume that the likelihood of a repatriation agreement with Vietnam were very little, Mr. Tan's detention would still be constitutional. MARGARET MARSHALL: Well, that's my point. I mean, why do I even bother with this stuff? Let's just assume it's a dead deal. It doesn't matter. He's in here for 80 years. JOHN NEWMAN: It would still be constitutional. And I take it you were going to say "because". REBECCA GELFOND: Because as this court held in Kansas versus Hendricks, the indefinite detention of an individual is still constitutional. In that particular case, the individual was a sex offender. And he was found to be dangerous. And the court upheld his indefinite detention. MARGARET MARSHALL: But dangerous and also a little crazy, right? REBECCA GELFOND: Yes, he did, in fact, have a mental abnormality. MARGARET MARSHALL: So here, we've just got dangerousness. REBECCA GELFOND: Here, we have dangerousness, as well-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Is there some dangerousness, by the way? REBECCA GELFOND: Yes, as of the last detention review. There were two additional sexual assaults in between-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Can I just ask you a question? I understand that rape was between a man and a woman, correct? REBECCA GELFOND: Yes, she was a 17-year-old college freshman. MARGARET MARSHALL: Well, she was a freshman in every brief. But some would've said she was a woman. So I'm just now making that sure. But now, I take it Mr. Tan is with all men? REBECCA GELFOND: It's not clear on the record. But I think that's probably accurate to assume. MARGARET MARSHALL: So we have threats, right? We don't have any actual assaults. We have threats, so that we're talking words here. And we're talking words of an assault, which this man has never committed before, right? He's never had a sexual assault on another man, correct? REBECCA GELFOND: Not one that he's been convicted of, Your Honor. MARGARET MARSHALL: Well, there's nothing on the record. Well, wait a minute, are you suggesting that there's something else in the record that I should know about, that he's had some sexual assaults on a man? JOHN NEWMAN: It sounds like she's suggesting there's something on the record you ought not to know. MARGARET MARSHALL: That's what I thought. REBECCA GELFOND: I'm suggesting merely that the continuing threats of sexual assault is itself sufficient to justify-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Ah, so you want me to, again, for constitutional purposes, I have to decide that you are correct, factually correct. That is to say, factually, that he is presently dangerous is a necessary prerequisite to finding this statute constitutional, in this case, in all cases. REBECCA GELFOND: Well, in this particular case, if Mr. Tan is neither dangerous nor a flight risk, then he cannot be detained. MARGARET MARSHALL: You agree that the INS has caved on the flight risk path? REBECCA GELFOND: Actually, that's not clear from the record. If we look at-- MARGARET MARSHALL: It's pretty clear to meet from their last record. In their last letter to him, they said, "you have failed to prove that you no longer present a threat to the community." They don't say anything that you-- They, in fact, set out, oh by the way, we got another letter from your family and a letter from your parole officer stating that you do not present a flight risk. And that's the last thing they say. REBECCA GELFOND: However, if you look at the district court's opinion that interprets the two letters, the district court opinion indicates that the INS found that Mr. Tan was unable to prove, by clear and convincing evidence, that he was neither dangerous nor a flight risk, as well as the fact that the letter recognized the "no change in circumstance." And it's clear from the minute that the original December letter that the INS found that he did not have sufficient ties to the community. Therefore, it seems that to the district court, at least-- and I would agree-- that the INS still believe that Mr. Tan was unable to show that he wasn't a flight risk. JOHN NEWMAN: On this record, when was his aggravated felony conviction, how long ago? REBECCA GELFOND: In 1992. JOHN NEWMAN: All right, now, your brief says his conviction of an aggravated felony verifying his dangerousness? REBECCA GELFOND: Yes. JOHN NEWMAN: So you believe that '92 conviction shows that in 1999 he is dangerous? REBECCA GELFOND: No. JOHN NEWMAN: No? Well, what did verifying mean? REBECCA GELFOND: Well, let me give you the context of that sentence. We were suggesting that the initial removal hearing of Mr. Tan, which relied on the fact that Mr. Tan was convicted of rape, of an aggravated felony, justified his order of removal. And in that hearing, two findings were made-- the finding that he was convicted of the rape, which resulted in the inference that he was, at that point, dangerous, as well as, at that point, that he dangerous, justifying his detention, and hence removable, based on that. And the reason that that's significant is because this court held in Jones versus United States that a person who was not guilty by reason of insanity, it was reasonable to infer from that continuingly mental illness and dangerousness. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, on this record, if you take the crime he committed in '92 and the prison misconduct, if I can call it that, that you have in the record now, and if nothing detrimental occurs in the future, does there come a point where he can no longer be held? REBECCA GELFOND: If Mr. Tan can show by clear and convincing evidence that he's no longer dangerous. And if you look at the-- WILLIAM FLETCHER: I need to ask a practical question. Here he is in jail. He's been convicted, validly and beyond a reasonable doubt, of having committed this rape at an earlier time. What procedural opportunities are available to him? He can, from time to time, appear personally. He can, at alternate times, write documents. He must prove under the current regulations, by clear and convincing evidence, that he is not dangerous. Assume for a moment that you know nothing about me. You, at the moment, know next to nothing about me. What would it take for me, by clear and convincing evidence, to convince you that I'm not dangerous? You see, I think it is an almost insurmountable burden for him to show, by clear and convincing evidence, that he is not dangerous, and to do it in front of a non-judge, that is to say, in front of a staff employee of the INS, to do it in a circumstance where the only review of the INS employee's decision will be by the district director. We're not even going to go to the immigration judge system or the BIA system that we have for almost all other determinations by the INS. I think he's stuck for the rest of his life, as a practical matter. He's not getting out of there unless Vietnam lets him. This dangerousness and so on, I think that's just a charade. REBECCA GELFOND: Well, let me start answering that question by suggesting that, to begin with, to have a showing of beyond clear and convincing evidence, that he's not dangerous, Mr. Tan should stop making threats of sexual assault. MARGARET MARSHALL: Now, wait a minute, wait a minute, wait a minute. Why is a threat an indication that he'll go out and do anything? He's never done the thing, never in his entire life, done the thing that he's threatened twice in how many years since the last review twice? So twice he's said, as far as I can tell, to some fellow inmate, F you, or I'm going to F you. This makes him dangerous? I mean, try this audience here. I mean, well, we're going to have a big problem with all the deportable aliens here. WILLIAM FLETCHER: He might have been trying to defend himself. That's a hostile place he's in. You don't want to say, hey, I'm a patsy. You've got to say, hey, I'm going to get you. Well, that's the only way. How do we know that? REBECCA GELFOND: First of all, petitioner doesn't refute the situation in which he was reprimanded for threatening sexual assault. So I believe that that's probably not the situation. MARGARET MARSHALL: The problem with that is it doesn't tell me anything about dangerousness. If you look at the Kansas against Hendricks case, there's quite an elaborate determination of how you can actually tell that he's presently dangerous. One of the difficulties that I have is that the INS continues to rely on his past criminal conduct. And so in 15 years' time, do we still take that into account, even though he's been through counseling, even though he recognizes it? I mean, it's a problem. REBECCA GELFOND: Actually, the reason I rely so strongly on the fact of the continuing threats of sexual assault is because, if you look at the December letter and the May letter, the May letter specifically cites as the reason that Susan Applegate, the district director in this case, found that there was no showing that Mr. Tan was no longer dangerous was, in fact, the two additional threats of sexual assault that he made. MARGARET MARSHALL: But they don't call them sexual assaults. You have been reprimanded two more times for threatening to assault. REBECCA GELFOND: Yes, Your Honor. MARGARET MARSHALL: So now, we had rape. Then, we had male-to-male sexual threat. And now, we just have threat. We're getting kind of weak here. But my point is so what? I mean, does he have to have an opportunity to prove that he's no longer dangerous, otherwise the statute is not constitutional? REBECCA GELFOND: The statute is constitutional. Because the government, in ordering him removed, that was the initial determination. MARGARET MARSHALL: And he certainly was somebody we wouldn't want in our borders, that's for sure, correct? We wanted him out, perfectly rational decision, correct? REBECCA GELFOND: According to the law, yes. MARGARET MARSHALL: Yes. And we're going to keep him locked up. We just don't want allowed in our society. We're just going to keep him locked up until somebody will take him. Anything wrong with that? REBECCA GELFOND: Well, although this court in Mezei suggested that indefinite detention of an excludable alien would, in fact, be constitutional and it didn't cite the necessary factor of dangerousness or even flight risk, it's possible, even if you were to look beyond the fact that Mr. Tan is being detained because he's dangerous and because he's been ordered removed. It's possible that the mere notion that Mr. Tan has been ordered removed and no longer has a right to remain here, that itself could be sufficient to detain him, as this court did, in fact, hold in Mezei. JOHN NEWMAN: Well, all right, we did it then, many, many years ago. Now, the question is, what ought we to do now in interpreting the Constitution? I suppose we could say, yes, the Mezei court said it. And we're bound by it. But we're also free to revisit that issue. So what do you say? What does the government say is the constitutional limit on holding this man based on his current record? That's why I asked you before, what if he does nothing worse? Does there ever come a point where the Constitution says he must be admitted to bail? REBECCA GELFOND: To the extent that we suggest that he's of the same constitutional status of an excludable alien, because he no longer has a right to remain here, even if this court were to look beyond the fact, even if you were to find that he's not-- even if you were look beyond the reasons of dangerousness, which I don't suggest that you do, because I think there's a strong showing-- WILLIAM FLETCHER: I mean, they last forever? The 1992 conviction and the threats in prison mark him as dangerous in the year 2050? REBECCA GELFOND: No, Your Honor, which is what I'd like to emphasize. JOHN NEWMAN: Oh, all right, so there's some point where those facts don't mark him as dangerous? REBECCA GELFOND: Yes, to the extent that the district directors-- JOHN NEWMAN: And can he get out then? REBECCA GELFOND: To the extent that the district director's opinion letter relies on the threats of sexual assault, it seems clear that those were the reasons she found him to be continually dangerous. Now, if he were to stop-- MARGARET MARSHALL: Here's my problem, OK? I have a very simple problem. I don't like this man in my community. I don't want him here. He's not a citizen. I don't have to keep him here. So I deport him. I give him terrific rights, by the way, all kinds of procedures. And I make quite sure that, yes, he's the person. He did do this terrible thing. Now, I want you out of here. Nobody else in the world wants you? I don't want you back in my community. I'm going to keep you locked up. You're not a citizen. I don't have to have you back in my country. What's wrong with that? REBECCA GELFOND: Well, this court, like I said, in the United States versus Mezei held that there was absolutely nothing wrong with that. Because in that particular instance-- JOHN NEWMAN: Yeah, but were they right? What's the right answer to this constitutional question? WILLIAM FLETCHER: Or a different way of saying the same question-- does that decision survive Plasencia in a circumstance where we have someone who has been in this country for some time? REBECCA GELFOND: I'd just like to point out that I'm out of time. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Yeah, I understand. REBECCA GELFOND: But I'd be happy to answer the question. JOHN NEWMAN: It's all the same question, I think. REBECCA GELFOND: Right, I understand. MARGARET MARSHALL: And we've got several more. So it doesn't matter. You've got an indefinite time to respond. REBECCA GELFOND: You remember. WILLIAM FLETCHER: We will go beyond your time. REBECCA GELFOND: Mr. Tan does not have a right to remain here. And with Congress's authority to take away that right, to remove someone from this country, to remove them from freely walking about in America, seems to me to come the same right to segregate him from the same community, like the court held in Mezei, rather than to be let free and frustrate Congress's very purpose in removing and revoking his right to remain here. Therefore, just if I may say in conclusion, the statute and the Constitution both permit Mr. Tan's detention, so should this court. Thank you. JOHN NEWMAN: All right, thank you. You've reserved rebuttal time. ANDREW EHRLICH: Yes, Mr. Chief Justice. It may please the Court. The reason this case is judicial business, Mr. Chief Justice, is because Mr. Tan's case presents the essential habeas claim. He asked this court to free him from detention, unwarranted detention, by executive authority. And I'd like to dispel any reticence this court may have. JOHN NEWMAN: I wasn't suggesting the habeas wasn't judicial business, only whether the determination of the likelihood of a treaty was judicial business. ANDREW EHRLICH: Chief Justice Newman, the reason that this case must be judicial business is that it falls without the area of plenary power. It is not within the INS's broad discretion to implement its immigration mandate, which stems from the sovereign character of the state to control who enters and leaves the state. Mr. Tan has been determined removable. He does not contest that fact. However, he does not lose his constitutional right under the Fifth Amendment, as a person within the territory, to retain his substantive right to liberty and therefore freedom. MARGARET MARSHALL: Once there's been a determination that he's removable, that means that he must be permitted, in most circumstances, to stay in our community, unless we can find some other country that wants him. ANDREW EHRLICH: That's correct, Chief Justice Marshall. Because of the connections that were discussed in Landon versus Plasencia and that, in here, in the whole idea of the textual mandate the Fifth Amendment, that he is within our community and has a long-time history as a permanent resident. And therefore-- MARGARET MARSHALL: What if he's only been here as a short-timer as a lawful resident, couple of years? ANDREW EHRLICH: Nonetheless, the text is clear. All persons within the territorial jurisdiction, on American soil, retain the right to liberty. JOHN NEWMAN: But we have citizens who have a constitutional right to liberty. And once they're convicted of a crime, they can't get bail on appeal, unless they sustain a very heavy burden. Is that unconstitutional? Some people think it is. But I'm wondering if you do. ANDREW EHRLICH: Chief Justice Newman, although that's not before us, because those individuals have been convicted by a valid criminal process, which Mr. Tan has not, they're in a fundamentally different position from Mr. Tan. JOHN NEWMAN: But in a sense, he's worse. He's been determined not to belong here at all. They've been determined to belong here, but to be deprived of liberty for the term of their sentence, which they're challenging on appeal. But they can't get out on appeal until they persuade somebody of their burdens. ANDREW EHRLICH: At least in that case, they have been following a valid process. In this case, there is no valid process. The detention is indefinite. And the INS would argue that this court's holding, Kansas versus Hendricks, would somehow mandate that Mr. Tan's detention is indefinite. But this is a very different case from Hendricks. In Hendricks, the government had to prove beyond a reasonable doubt to jury, that, in fact, the individual was both mentally abnormal and dangerous. And at each subsequent interval of a year, the government had to meet that burden again affirmatively to a jury, rather than shifting a burden onto Mr. Tan. So his insurmountable burden, as you alluded to earlier, is truly insuperable. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Let me ask this question. Again, I want to understand how this might work practically in the real world. If we adopt your position, which I take roughly to be that, either by reading the statute to say this, or by compulsion of the Constitution, once we have determined-- or once the United States government has determined-- that there is no realistic possibility of his repatriation to Vietnam, and once we have determined that there is insufficient likelihood of dangerousness, we have to let him go. ANDREW EHRLICH: That's correct, Justice Fletcher. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Put yourself now in the position of a country like Vietnam. Vietnam seems not particularly anxious to have Mr. Tan or people like him back in Vietnam. And I think I can fully understand why they don't. That then gives to Vietnam essentially a costless way to say, well, we don't want them. Because they don't have to bear any burden for taking their own citizens. Because if they don't take their own citizens, they get released into our society, the very citizens that they don't want, I think, for obvious reasons. Are we defenseless against that? ANDREW EHRLICH: Justice Fletcher, we're not. But that, in fact, is a political question. That is for the State Department and the executive branch to work out through the foreign affairs process. In fact, there's a provision in the revised INA that creates sanctions for countries that do not take back their aliens. It wasn't speaking specifically to those that have no treaties. But even countries we have treaties with receive sanctions if they don't receive their criminal aliens. It's part of the interdependent and international judicial community. And that's something that the government could redress through other means. And I would like to address the procedures in this case. Because courts across the nation-- speaking of the sheep in the lower courts, the sheep in lower courts have been very clear, Justice Marshall. They have almost uniformly held that aliens in Mr. Tan's position both have the substantive right and that the procedures in question are deficient. The Third Circuit called them superficial. The District Court in Colorado called them perfunctory. JOHN NEWMAN: What's the law? Never mind the adjectives, what's the procedural deficiency? ANDREW EHRLICH: I see my time's elapsed. JOHN NEWMAN: Go ahead. ANDREW EHRLICH: The procedural deficiencies are threefold. One, there is not an initial determination that Mr. Tan is either dangerous or a flight risk. He's presumed that. Two, he is saddled with the burden of demonstrating the negative to a clear and convincing standard, unlike other regulatory context, like Salerno and Hendricks. And three, he does not have an impartial adjudicator. And those, in combination, if we look at the second prong of Matthews versus Eldridge, the risk of erroneous deprivation, that creates an enormous risk of erroneous deprivation. And therefore, because the-- JOHN NEWMAN: The procedural due process guarantees them the right to a decision-maker not employed by the executive agency? ANDREW EHRLICH: We believe that it does, Chief Justice Newman, yes. Because the right implicated here is liberty. And that's why-- JOHN NEWMAN: But prisoners facing disciplinary hearings, do they get an outside adjudicator? ANDREW EHRLICH: I'm not familiar with all the laws on that. But I would imagine that probably they vary by state. I would imagine the answer is probably not yet, no in some cases, sure. But nonetheless, because the liberty interest [INAUDIBLE] and have this combination, each procedural deficiency compounds the other. Not only does he have the presumption, but he has the burden. And therefore, in conjunction, this court should grant Mr. Tan's writ. Because it violates the Constitution, or at least-- JOHN NEWMAN: Well, in Mezei, we said that whatever procedure Congress provides for Mr. Mezei satisfies due process. Were we wrong? ANDREW EHRLICH: I believe that you were wrong, Chief Justice Newman. But in that case actually, Mr. Mezei was an excludable alien, not a removable alien. So that's actually not the question presented here. I believe that the holding in Landon versus Plasencia and even Kwong Hai Chew versus Colding would dictate that Mr. Tan gets procedural due process. MARGARET MARSHALL: Something more than what Congress gives him? ANDREW EHRLICH: Yes, absolutely. It was the providence of the judiciary to review those procedures-- MARGARET MARSHALL: That's something that thoughtful judges clearly consider in a case, and in a evenhanded manner decides that he will have. So Chief Justice Newman wants him to have an individualized hearing with counsel paid for by the state. That's OK. ANDREW EHRLICH: Yes, Justice Marshall, it is. That would be just fine. Thank you very much for your time. [APPLAUSE] JESS ALBERMAN: The judges are about to come in for the final time. I'd like to remind everyone that there's a reception in the John Chipman Gray Room immediately following the arguments, in honor of the judges and the participants. And it's open to everyone. BAILIFF: All rise. JOHN NEWMAN: Preliminarily, the first thing I want to make clear, on behalf of Judge Fletcher and myself, is that the decision not to have Justice Marshall preside was the Ames Court decision and not ours. Some might view it as a shocking display of federal and male chauvinism all at once. MARGARET MARSHALL: Judge Newman, I assumed it was age before beauty. [APPLAUSE] JOHN NEWMAN: Well, I certainly hope that was the reason. We are asked to comment briefly on what's transpired. But the participants wish to know our decision. And so I'll do that first. But I will preface it by saying that these were four very good arguments based on very strong briefs, and grappling with serious issues, and presenting them very ably. And our sense of assessment-- we were really obliged to make very fine distinctions. But nonetheless, we're asked to do so. And so since we get paid to decide in the real world, we'll decide. But it is seriously a very close call on all three aspects that we're asked to decide. We're asked to decide the best oralist, the best brief, and, in some mystical aggregate sense, the best team. And so we will do that. We have concluded unanimously, I'm pleased to say, that the best oralist is Mr. McSwain. [APPLAUSE] We have concluded also unanimously that the better brief was submitted by the respondents. [APPLAUSE] And also unanimously, our aggregate decision, by a process that I would find very difficult to explain in any sort of reasoned opinion, but nonetheless it's a result that I'm quite willing to stand on, is that the winning team, in the aggregate, are the petitioners. [APPLAUSE] I take it we'll have an opportunity, in a few moments, to chat with each of you to either offer some comments or perhaps respond to your questions as to either why we asked something or what we thought about something. So I don't think we want to go point by point here. I'll just say a couple of general things. And I think my colleagues wish to also. There's always a bit of a discrepancy between moot court success and real world courtroom success, which always bothers me in moot courts. Often, I get the sense that, in moot court, you get points for the rapidity of your answer. You get marks taken off if you pause for 20 seconds to think of an answer. In our courtroom, I must say, the lawyer who says, Your Honor, that question, I hadn't thought about that, I'd like to think about it, and may I submit a written answer tomorrow? He gets big points with me. Because he understands the question and he knows he doesn't know the answer. And he wants to think about it. But you can't do that in moot court. They're just busy marking you off. Or saying, may I finish this thought? I'll get to that in a moment. With some judges, you can't do that. With most judges, you can. And yet in moot court, that's a big demerit. You've got to answer immediately. So there's a certain artificial aspect to moot court presentation that I don't think applies in the real world. But I don't want to overstate the point. You were arguing your position to us the way it would be argued in a court. The main difference I noticed on the merits was I don't think that the government position would have pressed us to the extreme. The government-- indeed most advocates, it seems to me, ought to be trying in an appellate argument to figure out a way to get the court to rule in their favor on the narrowest possible basis, unless it's institutional litigation and you're trying to establish, you're carrying the banner for a cause, and your client-- That creates quite an ethical problem, incidentally. But it's one that comes up all the time. But generally, you're trying to win for your client. And you're trying to offer the court the most comfortable ground that will get the judgment to come out your way. That often isn't true in moot court advocacy either. But within those parameters, subject to those qualifications, I thought everybody argued with appropriate vigor, fluency, grasp of the questions, bobbed and weaved when bobbing and weaving was called for, and were forthright when forthrightness was called for. So I thought these were really top drawer arguments. Without deciding the case, I thought the petitioners were pushing uphill a bit on the merits of some of the points, but nonetheless handled them with skill. And from the government's standpoint, it was skillful to handle a not terribly savory position, and yet argue it with conviction and reason. So I thought both sides really made the best of what they had. And I appreciate the opportunity to have heard such fine arguments. MARGARET MARSHALL: I liked Judge Newman's use of the term comfortable. One of the things that I like when advocates appear before me is to say to me, we're really not asking you to do anything new, different, unusual. This is real easy. It's just a little different, perhaps, but a tiny little bit of different. And I didn't really get, from any of you, a sense that you were trying to make me feel comfortable about whichever decision you were trying to ask me to reach. The second thing on both sides, when you're the government-- the INS, Congress, the government-- you have to really persuade me that something terribly important is at risk here, so that it's not just some great big juggernaut that's trying to crush some poor little Vietnamese immigrant, that there really are some interests that I would care about. And on the other hand, when you're representing somebody, there's a statute, and there's a Constitution, and there are all kinds of things. And it's not that he hasn't done anything bad. And for both of you, in a sense, to recognize that the opposing side has some interest here, I think, is a very effective way of persuading appellate judges Congress wasn't off the wall, and my client isn't some mad rapist. There are some competing considerations here. But on balance when you look at it, I think you're going to come down on my side. And I think a slightly less stringent or strident approach often is a very effective way. As part of that, I think speed does not necessarily help your cause. Just stopping, pausing, John Gielguding it, Meryl Streeping it, if that's the way you want to do it, really does make a difference. I have a difference of opinion with some of my colleagues. But some of the best appellate advocates that I've seen are also superb trial lawyers. There is theater. And if you stop and think, an easy way to say it is that's a good question. I hate it when somebody says to me, that's a good question. It's like, I get paid a lot of money to ask good questions. Actually, I don't get paid a lot of money. But I get paid. But if you can convey to me that that's a good question without saying to me, "that's a good question," it really makes an appellate judge feel terrific. Oh, you really got the gist of what the problem was here. But I concur with Judge Newman, and I know Judge Fletcher, that you were all terrific, really wonderful. WILLIAM FLETCHER: Thank you. As you know from what Dean Clark said in the introduction, I was a law teacher for many years. And I am only recently a judge. I've heard many moot courts. I may now, just in the last month or so, have heard more actual cases than I've heard moot courts. And I have to say that, among all the moot courts I've heard, this one ranks very, very high. Both sides were excellent. I thought the written materials on both sides were excellent. As we discussed, all three of us in the back room, the distinctions we were making were razor-thin. And all of you deserve to be very proud of the jobs that you've done, both on the briefs and in the arguments. I'd like to amplify a little bit on something that Chief Justice Marshall said. And that is, as a lawyer arguing before a court, it is usually the most effective strategy to persuade the judges that you're not having to move very far out of established law. Now, that's a different instinct from the instinct you are being trained to right now by academics. Because the instinct of an academic, in writing an article, is to trumpet how different and revolutionary this idea is. No one has ever thought of this wonderful idea. And so you're moving from one world to the next. And a little bit of the academic world has stayed with you, as you're making oral arguments. You're not trying to slide these things in comfortably, as well within the precedents. Something that's also a little artificial about the moot court exercise, and this follows on with what Judge Newman said, is that, in the real world, very rarely will a judge be asking a trick question just for the sake of testing you. Ordinarily, the judge will be asking the question because he or she genuinely wants to hear the answer. Sometimes, the judge is puzzled. Sometimes, the judge wants you to answer the question so the judge at the other end of the table will hear the answer. But the judge wants the answer. In moot court, there's a little bit more intellectual gamesmanship. And we just have to play the game. But you'll understand that, in fact, the enterprise is a little bit different. I don't want to say much about the merits of this case. Because as you can tell from, in fact, some of the cases in the District Court, I'm likely, or my colleagues on the Ninth Circuit, are likely to see this case, or one very much like it, in the very near future. We had the Sacramento case. We had the Seattle case with the five district judges. They're coming up. And I'm going to see them pretty quick. So I will content myself with general talk. Particularly as you move your way up the ladder, and I think this may account for, I think, the very striking difference we're seeing in the patterns so far in the district court and in the Court of Appeal. As you move even higher-- and hypothetically we're arguing in the United States Supreme Court-- you argue less and less individualized justice and more and more what does this mean? I mean, how is this going to work in a large and systematic sense? And several times, Judge Newman played the role absolutely properly of, well, we're not really talking about distinction between this case and what the Fifth Circuit said. We're not really talking as if the Mezei case is controlling. We're talking about, well, maybe we should revisit the Mezei case. At this level, you really are talking broad questions of policy and practicality. And I would encourage you to allow your arguments to reflect that. I'll close only by saying what the others have said. These were wonderful arguments. Thank you. [APPLAUSE] The Chief Judge has permitted me to make one further comment. Speaking from an all-blue bench, I think the small law school south of here better watch itself. Because it's got some good competition from the north, Dean. [APPLAUSE] JOHN NEWMAN: I'm so fascinated with the light system that I've never seen before, where you have not only a green light, a yellow light, and a red light, and even then it's not the end, you wait until they all go on simultaneously, that I want to just share with you in closing a true report and my favorite account of the problem of time limits in oral argument. This is episode was told to me by the president of the Delhi Bar Association. They were arguing a case in Delhi. And you have, in the British system, rather leisurely appellate arguments. They bring the books in. And they, My Lord, it says this. And they read, and on and on. And this was a very important case that commanded the attention of a visitor. Although, I don't think he was the Lord Chief Justice, but a very high court judge. Because it was a Privy Council matter that was heard in Delhi. And it was argued not only leisurely and at length, but beyond a day. It went well into the second day. And this same lawyer was making his argument. And finally, the High Court Judge demonstrated his impatience, even to permeate the consciousness of the Indian lawyer, who looked up rather startled. And he said, "My Lord, is it possible I've exceeded my time?" And the High Court Judge bellowed to him, "Time?" He said, "You've long since exceeded your time. You are now trespassing on eternity." We will not do that. We are adjourned. [APPLAUSE]
Info
Channel: Harvard Law School
Views: 2,283
Rating: 5 out of 5
Keywords: Harvard Law School, HLS, Harvard University, Supreme Court, Ames Moot Court, Jon O. Newman, William A. Fletcher, Margaret Marshall
Id: oU25237BpG4
Channel Id: undefined
Length: 105min 7sec (6307 seconds)
Published: Wed Oct 04 2017
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