Of all the enlightened intellectuals, brilliant
artisans, cutthroat generals and great kings in world history, Alexander the Great is undeniably
the most renowned and debated. Was this most legendary Macedonian king an
enlightened ruler or a debauching tyrant? Did he eventually succumb to alcohol or belief
in his own godhood? We here at Kings and Generals, after a long
delay, hope to provide some insight into all of those myriad questions and many, many more. Welcome to our series on the stunning conquests
of King of Macedon Alexander the III. Our first video will cover just how Alexander
recovered from the epochal death of his father Philip II and consolidated power. Many scholars note that Alexander’s education
under Aristotle was crucial for his future endeavors. Thanks to our modern technology you can learn
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trial of Skillshare to start exploring their creativity today! In October 336BC, on the eve of launching
his invasion of the Achaemenid Empire, Philip II of Macedon died to an assassin’s dagger,
leaving his ascendant kingdom to an uncertain future. But as soon as the monarch’s body had been
removed and order restored, Antipater - one of Philip’s most respected generals, immediately
backed the late king’s twenty-year-old second son Alexander, who ascended to the throne
as Alexander III. This young king inherited three key things
from his father: firstly, the new Macedonian army with its stalwart phalanx, brilliant
cavalry and exceptional marshals. Secondly, the Hellenic League - a post-Chaeronea
hegemony over every other Greek state except Sparta. Finally, Alexander inherited a Macedonian
bridgehead in western Asia Minor manned by 10,000 troops under generals Parmenion and
Attalus. But these inheritances were tenuous, and to
keep them Alexander would have to fight, politick and appease. Showing his mettle, the new king and his ruthless
mother Olympias immediately conducted a dynastic purge of key opponents. A loyal friend was dispatched to Asia Minor
where, probably by compromising on military commands, he flipped Parmenion to Alexander’s
side and subsequently assassinated Attalus1, who had been conspiring with external enemies. That decisive stroke purged perhaps the most
threatening internal rival to Alexander’s kingship. Philip’s death had also left the wider geopolitical
situation incredibly unstable, triggering anti-Macedonian rumblings in the conquered
Greek states, particularly Thebes and Athens, as well as unrest in subdued tribal areas
such as Thrace and Illyria. Although advised by Antipater and others to
remain cautious, Alexander, as he ever would, instead chose boldness and audacity. He grabbed 3,000 handpicked cavalry and sped
south along the coastal road in order to reassert royal authority. Arriving at the Vale of Tempe, Alexander found
the pass between Mount Olympus and Mount Ossa held against him by a strong Thessalian force,
who told the king to halt while they decided whether or not to admit him. Unwilling to sit by while this recalcitrant
vassal blocked his path, Alexander had his men carve steps into the seaward side of Mount
Ossa, rode his entire force over and came up on the Thessalians from behind. He was quickly acknowledged as their overlord
after that, and moved on unhindered. With blistering speed, Alexander rode south
and had the symbolically important Amphictyonic Council declare him hegemon at Thermopylae. Then, before the Greeks even knew what was
happening, the Macedonian king materialised outside Thebes, shocking the proud city and
assuring its temporary submission. Athens, which always chafed under Macedonian
rule, nevertheless sent envoys north assuring Alexander of its loyalty. His boldness, daring and ability having scared
the Greeks into passivity, Alexander convened the Hellenic League at Corinth, had his status
confirmed and then returned to Macedon. He did all of this in the course of two short
months. The winter leading into 335 BC was spent giving
the Macedonian army a crash course in mountain warfare. Now that Greece had been dealt with, Alexander
needed to neutralise the rowdy tribes of Thrace and Illyria, so that they were not a threat
at home during the upcoming Persian invasion. When spring of 335 arrived, Alexander advanced
north from Amphipolis at the head of 12,000 heavy infantry Pezhetairoi, 8,000 lighter
infantry and 3,000 cavalry. Arrian states that the Macedonian army first
faced real Thracian opposition at ‘Mount Haemus’, ‘where the lower slopes of the
mountain rise through a narrow defile’. This was probably the modern Shipka Pass. There, a substantial force of Thracians occupied
the high pass, fronting their defensive position with a wagon fort. But Alexander, prescient both to his own weakness
and the Thracians’ offensive bent, realised that it was their plan to send the wagons
crashing into his locked phalanx. He warned the heavy infantry of this and carefully
instructed them how to deal with the situation. With that taken care of, Alexander ordered
the ascent - archers off to the right, phalanx regiments in the centre and his hypaspists
on the left. As predicted, the Thracians sent their wagons
careening down the mountain straight at the tightly packed Macedonians. Following their king’s instruction, the
phalangites calmly broke formation and opened gaps to let the wagons go by harmlessly if
terrain allowed, and lay prone with their locked shields above their head if not. Not a single soldier was lost to the Thracian
ploy and the Macedonians rose to their feet with a cheer, morale at a high. With the primary threat dealt with, Alexander
ordered the right flank archers to take up position in front of the phalanx, where they
repelled a number of weak Thracian attacks by loosing arrow volleys. When the heavy troops, whose advance was eased
by the archers, reached the lip of the pass, they easily dislodged an enemy whose armour
and weaponry was nowhere near theirs. 1,500 tribesmen were killed, but a significant
number more managed to escape. Captured women, children, equipment and goods
were sent back to raise much needed funds. Descending onto the Danubian plain, and the
land of the Triballians, Alexander encamped three days' march from the Danube at a tributary
known as the Lyginus. Syrmus - King of the Triballians, had been
sending scouts to keep an eye on the Macedonian army’s movement ever since their incursion
began. Realising he had to take action, the chief
withdrew a large part of his population, warriors, women and children, to a large island in the
middle of the Danube. Alerted to this suspicious population movement,
Alexander pushed his army in that direction. However, he had only just set off when the
king had his line of retreat and communication cut by a second Triballian force, which slipped
in behind. Decisively turning about, Alexander found
this contingent in the process of encamping near the Lyginus. His pace appears to have caught them with
their trousers down, and the barbarians retreated into a wooded glen. Loath to risk his heavy infantry, the king
formed them up, but brought forward his missile troops to pepper the lighter-armed Triballians
with arrows and bolts until, unable to endure the hail, they charged out. With his Thracian foe now shorn of their defensive
terrain, inside which they were notoriously good fighters, Alexander sent a wing of hetairoi
at either flank, while the phalanx cut the tribesman to ribbons. 3,000 of them died, at the cost of 54 Macedonians. Three days’ march later and Alexander reached
the Danube directly opposite Syrmus’ island refuge, known as Peuce. There, as planned, he rendezvoused with a
small squadron of warships sent from Byzantium, manned them with heavy troops and archers,
and launched an attack on the island. Unfortunately for the Macedonians, a mixture
of dogged resistance, limited avenues of attack and a fierce current led to the failure of
this attack. Seeing he was getting nowhere, Alexander withdrew
the ships to the southern bank. By that time, a formidable band of 10,000
nomadic Getae infantry and 4,000 horsemen had gathered on the far side of the Danube. Rather than seeing this as a threat though,
Alexander saw an opportunity - smash the Getae and the island might well surrender out of
sheer terror. But his army had to cross the Danube, and
his small fleet was not enough. So, Alexander ordered that every single native
canoe and craft be gathered up, and that floats should be made from tents stuffed with hay. Thus provisioned with such a makeshift fleet,
that night, masked by the darkness, Alexander boldly ferried 4,000 of his infantry and 1,500
cavalry across the Danube. Successful, he disembarked them on a section
of the north bank which was masked from the nearby Getae by tall fields of grain. Just before dawn, the king drew up his forces
with infantry in front, to flatten the grain with their sarissae, and cavalry behind. The moment Alexander’s strikeforce broke
through the grain, the king personally charged his 1,500 cavalry straight at the Getae, while
the terrifyingly disciplined Macedonian phalanx went forward in lock-step. Impacted by the fearsome companion cavalry
and faced with the pincushion phalanx, the Getae collapsed and fled to a nearby town,
four miles from the river. But, hotly pursued by the Macedonians, the
semi-nomadic Getae mounted as many civilians as they could and fled onto the steppe. After leading his triumphant troops back to
camp on the south shore, Alexander’s prediction became reality. Syrmus and his Triballians, awed into submission
by this display of martial prowess, sent envoys of capitulation to the king. At about the same time, an embassy of tall
Celts arrived desiring Alexander’s friendship. The king asked these veritable giants what
they were scared of, hoping they would say his name. Instead, they famously remarked that they
feared that the sky would fall on their heads. Alexander was not pleased, but sent them off
as friends. With the potential danger posed by Thrace
adequately cut down, the Macedonian army marched south via the Shipka Pass. Rather than turning south, Alexander pivoted
west and entered the domain of his ally - King Langarus of the Agrianians who had accompanied
the king on campaign with his force of deadly ‘Agrianes’ skirmishers. There, he learned that three Illyrian rulers
- Cleitus, Glaucias and a prince of the Autariantes were in revolt against him. But for the moment, all of the king’s enemies
were scattered. So, leaving his faithful Agrianian colleague
to deal with the Autariantes2, Alexander sped to assail Cleitus’ mountain stronghold at
Pelium before the Illyrians could join forces. The plain on which this citadel stood, dominating
the Apsus valley, was surrounded on three sides by densely wooded hills which could
only be traversed by a narrow pass. It was hard to get in, but also hard to get
out. The moment Alexander marched his army onto
the plain before Pelium, its defenders withdrew to safety behind the walls. Such freedom of the land allowed the Macedonian
king to encamp and begin pulling forward his siege equipment. That proved to be a tactical error on Alexander’s
part. Less than 24 hours later, Glaucias and his
Taulantian relief force arrived, occupying strong positions on the wooded heights encircling
Pelium and trapping Alexander. In need of supplies, the king dispatched the
baggage train and a mounted escort under Philotas to forage near the hills. Noticing this, Glaucias shifted his forces
and almost encircled Philotas, but Alexander reacted swiftly. Moving to Philotas’ aid with a picked force
of agrianes, hypaspists and 400 cavalry, the king managed to save his comrade and send
Glaucias back onto the hills. Despite this small win, the fact remained
that the Macedonian army was in a bind, caused entirely by the king’s hasty miscalculation. If Alexander attempted to withdraw through
the narrow pass now, there was a danger that Cleitus’ Pelium garrison would assail his
men from behind. If he stayed where he was, unable to gather
supplies and ringed by enemies, the result would be inevitable destruction. To his credit, Alexander thought fast and
came up with a ploy. He drew up the sarissa phalanx into a mass
formation 120 ranks deep, flanked by 200 cavalry on either side. Then the king had his highly disciplined infantry
conduct drills. At a signal the phalangites would’ve, in
perfect unison, raised their sarissae to vertical, before lowering them to horizontal. Like a programmed machine of a war, they pivoted
right, left, back and forth again, all in utter silence. Disconcerted and enthralled by this unprecedented
display of martial prowess, the barbarians were not ready when Alexander gave his final
signal. Suddenly, the infantry clattered their spears
against their shields and raised a war cry. At the same time, the left flank of the Macedonian
hetairoi seamlessly formed into a wedge and charged a portion of Glaucias’ men guarding
the hills. The demoralised Taulantians, taken aback by
the charge and the noise, mostly abandoned their hilltop positions and withdrew into
Pelium. Taking advantage of the opportunity his maneuvering
had created, Alexander marched his army towards an escape route - a ford in the Apsus just
east of Pelium. He secured a hill overlooking it without resistance
and ordered the hypaspists to cross first, followed by the phalanx. Realising their quarry might be about to escape
the trap, the tribesmen turned, descending on the crossing point. But Alexander, the companions and agrianes
valiantly protected it for long enough that siege catapults could be set up on the far
side, where they began bombarding the Illyrians. This first ever use of ‘field artillery’
and covering fire from archers allowed the crossing to be completed, and all of a sudden,
the Macedonians were free. Not having lost a single man in extricating
his army and not content with just running away, Alexander withdrew a few miles from
the Pelium area and waited, sending out constant scouting parties to see what Glaucias and
Cleitus were doing. After three days of general recuperation,
a reconnaissance force returned with good news. Believing Alexander was gone, the Illyrians
were strung-out, encamped without sentries, fortifications or trenches3. Sensing that an opportunity was ripe for the
taking, Alexander assembled his usual crack force of companions, Agrianes and some archers,
and went on the attack. Under the cover of a dark night, the Macedonian
king moved back into the valley and, with his Agrianians at the forefront, assaulted
the unsuspecting Illyrians on a narrow front. It was a slaughter. As Arrian relates: “Some they killed in
their beds, others they took without difficulty as they tried to escape. Many were caught and killed on the spot, many
more as they fled in panic and disorder.” Cleitus, his entire army cut down or scattered
by an enemy he thought long gone, fled to Pelium, set it ablaze and then fled to refuge
in Taulantian territory with Glaucias, whose forces suffered a similar fate. Our primary sources do not detail exactly
where Alexander went next, but Peter Green believes that the Macedonians marched up the
county to a crossing in the Tscherna River, where they reunited with a victorious Langarus. With news of victory, however, the Agrianian
king brought Alexander ill tidings from Greece. Always hating their new, ignominious place
under the iron boot of Macedon, Thebes and Athens, together with a number of other Greek
states, had been bubbling towards revolt for some time. But when dangerous rumours spread that Alexander
and his entire army had been killed by the Triballians, Thebes in particular took the
opportunity, killed both senior officers of Alexander’s garrison there4 and raised the
standard of rebellion. Alexander, angered but understanding that
this revolt probably had connections to rival elements in the court at Pella and might even
be influenced by Persian gold, acted swiftly. Moving over 30,000 troops 250 miles at a speed
of 18 miles a day through rough mountain terrain, the king descended into Thessaly, passed Thermopylae
and encamped at Onchestus, in Boeotia. Not long after that, in September 335BC, he
and his grizzled army were taking up positions outside Thebes, much to the disbelief of the
city’s inhabitants. There was surely no way for an army of such
a scale to arrive with such speed from a far off barbarian country. Moreover, Alexander was dead anyway, as the
rumours said, so this must have been an army of new Macedonian recruits under Antipater. Only slowly did the Thebans realise, to their
consternation, that Alexander was indeed still alive and in charge. Fortunately for Thebes, the king’s temper
had cooled and he was willing to be reasonable. Keen to reconcile with Greece so he could
look to his Panhellenic war against the Achaemenid Empire, Alexander merely demanded that two
of the uprising’s ringleaders - Phoenix and Prothytes, be handed over, and everything
else could be forgiven. The Thebans spat on this olive branch, making
a brazen counter-demand that Philotas and Antipater should instead be handed to them. Moreover, all who wanted Greece free from
this Macedonian tyrant should rally under the banner of the Great King and Thebes. As Alexander flew into a rage at this nerve-grazing
comment, Theban light infantry streamed from the gates and made lightning attacks on the
Macedonian siegeworks with ranged weapons, killing a decent number of the king’s troops
and even approaching his main position before they were repulsed. Night fell, passed and then the sun rose again,
at which time Alexander shifted his army south to the Electra Gate, which was within shouting
distance of his beleaguered garrison in the Cadmeia fortress. It is somewhat difficult to reconcile the
disparate accounts of what came next. However, after three days, it seems as though
a segment of Thebes’ army, smaller than Alexander’s, left the walls and deployed
to face the king, who arrayed a greater part of the relentless phalanx to meet them. Other, smaller units were seconded to assault
the city walls and attempt to breach the city, while another small contingent under Perdiccas
remained in reserve, close to the palisade. As Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus relates
of the main clash, ‘The Macedonians exerted a force that could hardly be withstood because
of the numbers of their men and the weight of the phalanx, but the Thebans were superior
in bodily strength and in their constant training in the gymnasium.’ Fighting with grim determination to defend
their families and city from slavery, the defenders came with a hairs’ breadth of
breaking the phalanx. However, at the decisive moment, the mobile
reserve units under Perdiccas outflanked the Theban line and managed to break into the
city itself, swiftly followed by a detachment of Alexander’s archers. Worse still, the Macedonian garrison in Cadmeia,
noticing this opportunity, broke out and caused even further disorder. When the king had his phalanx redouble their
assault, the Thebans, realising that the enemy was inside the walls, routed. Their cavalry managed to flee across into
open country. The throng of stampeding, terrified hoplites
was so great that the Electra Gate became clogged and could not be closed before the
main body of Alexander’s infantry got inside. Bitter, brutal street fighting followed during
which a contingent of Thebes’ soldiery fought a valiant last stand near the Ampheum. But the Macedonians and their allies, sweeping
atop the walls and around the streets, butchered them from every side. Thebes was brutally sacked. Arrian tells us that the main culprits were
Alexander’s resentful anti-Thebes allies from Boeotia, such as the Phocians, Thespians
and Plataeans, but the Macedonians certainly played a part. Doors were kicked in, houses and temples throughout
the city stormed and their occupants murdered or ‘subjected to outrage without limit’,
be they man, woman or child. By nightfall, the bloodbath had claimed 6,000
lives and 30,000 more were captured. Alexander entrusted the broken city’s final
fate to the allies who had been long subjugated to it. As he probably intended, these Boeotians decided
that Cadmeia would remain garrisoned, but the remainder of the city was utterly annihilated,
and its land divided among the allies. Every woman and child would be sold into slavery. News of Thebes’ grisly fate reverberated
around Greece like an earthquake, prompting the execution of anti-Macedonian demagogues
and the calming of revolts before they began. Compliance was the order of the day. Turning his burning gaze to Athens, which
had remained aloof despite having played an obvious role in the outbreak, Alexander coldly
ordered the great city to turn over ten strategoi who had ‘opposed his interests’. Instead, an Athenian known as Demades went
to Alexander and managed to persuade the king to forgive and forget, which he reluctantly
did. But this final clemency didn’t avail him
in the long term. With Thebes’ unprecedented and shocking
extermination, Alexander hammered the final nail into the coffin of his relationship with
other Greeks. ‘Outwardly they collaborated, with cynical
obsequiousness-’ as Peter Green tells us, ‘-But they never forgave him… After their first shocked terror had worn
off, the attitude of the Greeks towards Alexander hardened into a bitter and implacable hatred.” But for the moment the king was not overly
concerned with that. The invasion of the Achaemenid Empire was
now imminent and we will talk about it in the next episode, so make sure you are subscribed
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