The Hundred Years' War on Palestine - A keynote lecture by Rashid Khalidi

distinguished guests colleagues and friends welcome to the Columbia global center I'm delighted to welcome back to the Armand Center professor Rashida Hardy renowned author esteemed historian and professor of Middle Eastern history and politics I would also like to thank the scholars and academics with us this evening that have traveled Tom mad to participate in the conference a century of Palestinian nationalism modes of political organization and representation since 1919 discussions at the conference which began today and will continue tomorrow will focus on understanding the factors that led to the formation reorganization and transformation of Palestinian political and national movements pre and post neckli the conference is organized by the Columbia global center and partnership with the French Institute of the Near East the institute for palestine studies and al-hikmah association tonight's lecture the hundred years war on Palestine is the key note of the conference though I'm sure professor heidi is no stranger to most of you allow me to provide some background on his career and highlight some of his most important accomplishments she's hardly received his BA from Yale University and his doctor philosophy from Oxford University he has taught at the Lebanese University the American University of Beirut and the University of Chicago currently at Columbia University professor hi ladies the adored side professor of modern Arab studies he has also served as co-director and continues to play an integral role at the Center for Palestine Studies at Columbia the Center for Palestine studies was launched in 2010 to promote the academic study of Palestine and to continue continue the legacy of édouard site it works to advance the production and circulation of knowledge on Palestinian history culture society and politics in diverse fields it is the first such Center in an academic institution in the United States professor she's Heidi's also the former president of the Middle East Studies Association Asian and the current editor of the journal of Palestine studies he was adviser to the Palestinian delegation to the Madrid and Washington arab-israeli peace negotiations from October 1991 until June 1993 which he talks about in his book brokers of deceit how the US has undermined peace in the Middle East which was published in 2013 professor Haddad is also the author of sowing crisis American dominance and the cold war in the Middle East the iron cage the story of the Palestinian struggle for statehood Palestinian identity the construction of modern national consciousness as well as a number of other books and hundreds of articles his new book the hundred years war in Palestine history of settler colonialism and resistance from 1919 to 2017 is expected to be released early next year and which I hope he will give us a glimpse into this evening please join me in welcoming to the stage professor Rashid okay Jimmy aren't well done what's happenin I'm gonna speak in English but I hope that won't be a obstacle for any of you as Hannya said the title of my talk is the Hundred Years War on Palestine see it right behind me and the book will be coming out in chawla in January at the end of January so I hope it'll be available here and I meant the books subtitle which again Hannah was kind enough to mention is a history of settler colonialism and resistance 1917 to 2017 when I started the book I hoped it would be finished in 2017 but unfortunately it wasn't but I think that the title and the subtitle give a very good idea of some of the main arguments that I make in this book um I did not write this book for academics or scholars I wrote it for the general reader especially for the American general reader many of you have been to the United States you'll know that Americans have a very limited understanding of the realities of Palestine if not a completely false understanding of these realities many of them believe that what they saw in the movie Exodus or what they see in the media accurately represents what is happening in Palestine we know of course that that's not true I want to talk tonight about how I chose to counter Americans limited and largely false understanding of the modern history of Palestine and some of the key elements in the book the first thing I decided to do was to attack what I think are very pernicious and false views of the conflict in Palestine I argue that this must not be understood as it's commonly described in the United States as a tragic struggle between two peoples or two national movements over the same land that's a very common understanding in the United States of the conflict in Palestine even worse a more extreme version of this would have it that the only reason that there's conflict is path in Palestine is because anti-semitic Arabs are trying to foil the just struggle of the Jewish people to establish their own state in their ancestral homeland and this is a version of history that claims a biblical antecedent against these completely false interpretations of the history of Palestine I set out the following argument now this audience will not find this argument unusual when I talk about settler colonialism there's probably not one person in this room who doesn't know what is that - its time on its defunding we know what it is but for Americans this is a completely different way of viewing the conflict and I argue that what has happened in Palestine over more than a century must be understood as a war waged on the people of Palestine to establish a settler colonial project in their midst and at their expense again there's nothing strange in this description for this audience in the United States this is a shocking radical argument and so I spent hundreds of pages trying to prove that in this book I argue in the book that this is a war that was not just launched by Zionism or the Zionist movement or the State of Israel I argue that Zionism the Zionist movement the State of Israel could not have been created without the support of different great powers at different times in history first Britain from the time of the Balfour Declaration 1917 until the end of the mandate 1948 then the United States and the Soviet Union at the crucial time of partition the 1948 war the neck bah later Britain in France in the 50s and 60s later again the United States I argue that this is a project between Zionism and these powers it's not an Israeli war on Palestine it's not a Zionist war on Palestine it's a war to implant a settler colonial project in Palestine waged by the great powers that endorsed it supported it armed it and continued to hold it up to this day I also try and make comparisons in the book between the Zionists case and many other cases of settler colonialism I talked a little bit about Algeria I talk about the United States I talk about Canada New Zealand Australia Kenya South Africa and then we live in a silo we think we're unique were the only people who've suffered from settler colonialism we're not there dozens and dozens of other cases and it's useful and important to make comparisons to these other cases however there's one very peculiar aspect of this settler colonial offensive against the indigenous population of Palestine and this is that the settlers did not come from the Metropole that supported them they were not British the British didn't send British settlers to settle Palestine they sent British settlers to Kenya they sent British settlers to Uganda they did not send British settlers to Palestine the French sent French people to Algeria people from the Metropole extended the power of the Metropole over the settler colony that's not the case in Palestine it's a completely different case unlike Algeria unlike North America the Zionist movement drew settlers mainly from the Jewish populations of Eastern Europe and Central Europe they were not British the British facilitated the process without the British the process could not have taken place but these were not British settlers settling a British colony moreover these settlers came with a distinct political aim to establish their own independent state we know this from the very first writings of Herzl his first book is called there you danced at the Jewish state he didn't come to establish a colony of the British Empire he went came as part of a colonial endeavour to establish a Jewish state a Jewish political entity in Palestine so I argue in this book that Palestine constitutes a unique case of settler colonialism it's not like any of the others in some respects the settler movement the Zionist movement which aimed to found a new national entity in Palestine that has been successful so far in doing that was independent of the Metropole they depended on the British in many ways but their financial power was not drawn from Britain their financial power was drawn from the United States and other parts of Europe in the 20s they brought in capital inflows that were more than a hundred percent of the GDP of the Jewish economy they were bringing in more money annually in the 1920s than the entire Jewish economy of Palestine was producing vast amounts of money even in the 1930s during the Depression they were bringing in 30 to 40 percent more 30 to 40 percent of the GDP of the Jewish economy of Palestine that money was not coming from Britain the British mandatory administration did everything possible to facilitate the success of the Zionist movement but the Zionist movement was in this respect independent and had its own base of support outside of the British Empire and this was and is a great strength of Zionism and in this obviously it's very different from other settler colonial movements when the French state decided it could no longer support the experiment of French colonialism in Algeria cos it was over when the British state decided that Rhodesia could not it could not sustain the Rhodesian colonial experiment it was over it was finished once the Metropole pulled the plug that was over Israel has many metropoliz and that's part of the of the reasons for its viability now one of the things that I argue in an American context they're saying that Israel is a colonial settler reality is a harsh and difficult fact for people to accept is that I'm not making this up it's not my analysis I quote Zev Jabotinsky I quote Herzl I quote every Zionist leader up to the 1940s all of whom described their movement as a settler colonial movement that had to destroy the resistance of the indigenous population they had no qualms about saying this they changed their tune after World War two when suddenly colonialism went out of fashion and suddenly Zionism was an anti-colonial movement that was a very smooth trick but it doesn't cover up the fact that for decades and decades and decades they openly admitted that Zionism was a colonial movement now I do something else in this book that I've never done in anything I've written and this is to try and make this story of this war on Palestine not just an ad an analytical dry historical narrative but to make it accessible to ordinary readers through telling some individual stories of Arabs Palestinians who played a role at different stages of Palestinian history I've included a great deal of material drawn from autobiographies I've included some from my own family my uncle same doctor same sadly same faculty for example has a three-volume memoir I use that and other memoirs extensively and I start the book with something that I discovered when I was living and working in Jerusalem in 1990 and 91 and 92 which were the private papers abusive use of the book ID who was the mayor of Jerusalem for about 10 years he was the deputy for Jerusalem in the Ottoman Parliament of 1877-1878 and he wrote a letter to Theodor Herzl historians know about it but I put it at the beginning of the book because I want the American reader to see this first and he told Herzl you know in principle Zionism may be fine the idea that the Jews should find a place of refuge that's fine but Palestine already has a population and he told him in detail several pages of letters written in French why this was going to be a problem and he concluded for the sake of God leave Palestine alone so it's not as if they weren't warned Herzl wrote a well-known letter back to use of B Abacha in which he basically dismissed all of his concerns he basically brushed them aside so I used these kinds of personal elements these kinds of personal narratives including some of my own experiences in order to describe what I saw is what I see in this book as five phases of this war being declared again and again on the Palestinian people let me tell you what the five phases are the first is obvious it's the Balfour Declaration and the mandate for Palestine the mouths word declaration was a declaration of war on the Palestinian people I'm gonna go into exactly why I'm describing it as a declaration of war the finely-tuned smoothly crafted deceptive hypocritical British drafting actually conceals a declaration of war on the Palestinian people I'll describe that in a second the second declaration of war was the one that was made in 1947 through the United Nations in the form of UN General Assembly resolution 181 to partition Palestine which was followed as we know by the war and the nekima and I'll talk about why I understand that as a declaration of war on the Palestinian people the third declaration of war came in the wake of the 1967 war and it was UN Security Council resolution 242 UN Security Council resolution 242 is described in universally positive terms what a wonderful thing to for two land for peace hamdulillah UN Security Council resolution 242 among many other things is a declaration of war on the Palestinian people I will explain in the why that was the case the fourth of these wars was the 1982 war the Israeli invasion of Lebanon the siege of Beirut the expulsion of the PLO from Beirut and the fifth of the wars that I described are the unending wars on Gaza 2008 2009 2012 2014 and ongoing now what I argue about these wars is that they often were based on or resulted in major international statements that as I've said were declarations of war on the Palestinians why do I call them this let me talk about the Balfour Declaration and the League of Nations mandate for Palestine if you've ever read the Balfour Declaration or the mandating you'll notice a striking absence the word Palestinian is not there the word Palestinian Arab is not there in the Balfour Declaration there's one people which deserves a national home that's the Jewish people there's one group that deserves political and national rights that's the Jewish people the 94% of the population the overwhelming majority is never described by name in the Balfour Declaration they are the non-jewish population of Palestine yeah I need the people who are not Jews important people or Jews the unimportant people are these non-jews and they do not get political rights they do not get national rights they get civil and religious rights in other words they are subordinated from the moment that the Balfour Declaration is issued and then incorporated into the Mandate for Palestine a few later years later to the Jewish people who are the only people with national rights in Palestine according to not just Lord Balfour or the British Cabinet but the League of Nations which passed the mandate as an international document this is not just a British document it now becomes shadowy EE we always say share a you don't need international legitimacy is on our side no no the League of Nations represented an international see international legitimacy produced a declaration of war on an indigenous people to establish a colonial settler reality in their midst and never recognized that people that's why I described this as a declaration of war what the Balfour Declaration and the mandate essentially amounted to was a constitution a structure we've heard several really good papers about details of this about Jerusalem about other aspects of the Mandate earlier today constitution for an effort to impose a mainly European settler population which had its own national objectives on the indigenous population what was the British objective to hold the Palestinians down until the Zionists had a majority that was their objective throughout there could be there could be democratic democratic representative government when the Jews became a majority until then we heard papers today about how the British went around real democracy they couldn't have real democracy the majority would have said we don't want the Balfour Declaration we don't want the Jewish National Home we want independence like you promised to Iraq like you promised to Jordan like you prompt like the French promised to Syria and Lebanon and the British we're not going to give that the British want to establish a Jewish National Home and they had to manage the conflict that term managed is very important we're going to hear it again in a minute they did so successfully they managed this conflict successfully until the great revolt of 1936-39 I could talk about that but let me leave it for now let me just mention one aspect of that revolt the British didn't just crush the revolt they brought in overwhelming power to crush the revolt if you look at the adult male population of Palestine in 1939 10 percent of the adult males in Palestine were killed wounded exiled or imprisoned as a result of the suppression of autonomy kübra sodality society 10 percent of the adult male population they brought in a hundred thousand troops the Royal Air Force blew up houses carried out incredible atrocities summary execution in the field of captured and wounded rebels and crushed the revolt in so doing they were waging war on the Palestinian people on behalf of their own settler colonial project so that was the first declaration of war declared in 1917 and brought to fruition in 3639 the second declaration of war I don't need to go into as much because I think you probably know what I'm about to say this was the resolution to partition Palestine Palestine in 1947 had a population which was 65% Arab 35% of the population was Jewish the majority of the country including most of the fertile land was given over to a Jewish state the Jews owned 6% of land in Palestine they got most of the land in Palestine and earlier the British had already in the peel partition plan of 1937 established the principle of what they called transfer what does this mean ethnic cleansing and that was the principle that was used in 1947 that's the root of the neck by not just giving the Jewish state in the in the partition resolution of November 29th 1947 60 58 percent of the land to a third of the people but also admitting that in order to create a Jewish state in a territory that had almost half of the population being Arab you would have to expel them that was a necessary condition for the establishment of a Jewish state and everybody understood that this was followed as we know by the arab-israeli war first of all the expulsion zhh began long before the Arab states entered the conflict about 300,000 Palestinians are expelled before May 15th 1948 including over 150,000 urban residents of Yaffa Haifa and West Jerusalem and another 150,000 a descent other places and then another 150 thousand of the rural population and then after the Arab armies come in another 450 thousand Palestinians are expelled we know about this this is the neck what has to be understood is that this was not just an Israeli war on the Palestinians this was an American Soviet Israeli war on the Palestinians the United States and the Soviet Union forced the partition resolution through the General Assembly they made countries vote for it the Americans twisted the arms of their set of their client states in Latin America there are many accounts of this the Soviets did the same they then armed the new Israeli state and enabled it to win the war without American and Soviet arms Israel would not a won the 1948 war so it was a it was a joint operation the third declaration of war was in 1967 here the war was preceded by an international understanding that established the the international conditions for dealing with the Palestinians and this and sorry here the war was followed by an international document which established the conditions for dealing with the Palestinians and this as I've said was UN Security Council resolution 242 just as in 1917 the Palestine issue in 1967 in 242 was reduced to almost an insignificant level no mention of Palestine the question of Palestine doesn't exist all of the things that Israel was supposed to do after 1948 return of refugees as per General Assembly resolution 194 never mentioned adjustments of the frontiers never mentioned none of this is mentioned in 242 the only thing in two-for-two is a just resolution of the problem of the refugees refugees aren't even mentioned by name they're not even described as Palestinians they're just refugees just refugees insignificant people who have a problem that has to be resolved I would argue this is another declaration of war on the Palestinian people in fact another piece of shadowy international legitimacy is arguing there's no such thing as the Palestinians I don't call - for - the basis for peacemaking because it did not produce peace you may have noticed look across the river there's no peace in Palestine it was a resolution designed to manage the conflict as the British did so did the Americans both of these international documents the mandate and 242 served an essential purpose of the Zionist movement this was to obliterate any mention of the indigenous Palestinian Arab population of the country my book shows how since Herzl this obliteration of the Palestinians has been a constant objective of the Zionist movement of the State of Israel and of its supporters in the West and I'm trying to stress the importance of the integral relationship between what Israel is doing and between these international delegate declarations made by the great powers so even if the war was waged on the Palestinians first by the British army later by Zionist militias later by the Israeli army later by Arab armies later by Lebanese militias whoever was waging the war on the Palestinians from 1917 until the Gaza Wars this war was based on us Israeli agreements and understandings or British Israeli agreements and understandings Wars on the Arab countries like the Suez war based on Israeli British French agreements these are not Israeli Wars these are joint Wars and III argument as this is very very important we now have published by the United States the conversations between Secretary of Defense McNamara and the head of the Mossad in May 1967 where he gives Israel McNamara gives Israel a green light to attack at the same time as the United States is telling the Arab countries not to attack I was there in the UN my father worked with United Nations when the Jordanian ambassador Mohammed Farah told a group of Arab diplomats and UN officials there he and other an ambassador's have been systematically deceived by Arthur Goldberg the US ambassador who who kept telling them we will prevent the Israelis from attacking hold your people back don't attack you must be restrained we will prevent Israel from attacking this was part of an agreement between the United States and Israel II have the documents we have the American documents the Americans themselves have published that Foreign Relations of the United States 1967 war it's available online or in a published book we're gonna see the same thing with the 1982 war which is the forth declaration of war similarly to 1967 before the war was launched Israel was very careful to get the approval of the United States general Sharon defense minister at the time goes to Washington he meets with Secretary of State Haig and other general he tells him I'm gonna do this I'm gonna do this this and this I'm gonna eliminate the PLO from Beirut I'm gonna destroy the Lebanese National Movement and install a friendly government and I'm gonna kick the syrians out of Lebanon and Hague says what does Haig say make sure you have a good pretext that's the only thing you say doesn't he doesn't have a problem with the objectives he says fine go ahead and Hague's assistant in his notes says green light for Israeli invasion so in 67 and in 1982 this is not an Israeli war this is an Israeli American war there was a we have documents we actually have the documents this is not something I'm making up this is not something that can be denied and this is why I argue that this war on Palestine is a joint project in this chapter and in the 1967 chapter I rely on documents but I also rely on personal recollections I've mentioned the meeting that Mohammed the father his excellency in town at the photo at that time was ambassador of Jordan to the United Nations in the book I mentioned another occasion when I was in the Security Council visitors gallery and the Israeli army it was the fifth day of the war this 8/10 I think of June and the Israeli army was advancing in the Golan Heights and ceasefire resolution had been passed they didn't obey the ceasefire resolution another ceasefire the Soviet ambassador got very angry he insisted on another ceasefire resolution with a demand that the Secretary General report back to the council within two hours and I sat there in the gallery waiting and waiting my father was in the chamber behind the assistant secretary-general for the report and for confirmation that the Israeli advance had stopped nothing happened reports kept coming in they're advancing they're advancing they're gonna reach juanita they're about to reach SAR SAR they're gonna get to Damascus finally Goldberg said I I request a recess so they've recessed and my father came out from behind and it's a true love song anymore outta my home to take a shower Adney got even worried well no I mean concerned I was little I was a little naive at the time I was 18 years old there was an agreement there was an understanding this was not an Israeli war this is an Israeli American War and the little incident I saw in the Security Council was just a tiny window for things that we now have all of the documents on in this in the 1982 chapter I also rely on my personal recollections because I was in Beirut during the siege and I then wrote a book called under siege which was just translated by the Institute for Palestine studies called dr. Hasan on PLO decision-making during the war when I was able to access some PLO documents in Tunis after the war I also go in some depth in the chapter on the 1982 war into the Sabra and Shatila massacres the best account is by by by annoyed hoot she has an extremely good book called Sabra Shatila in Arabic and in English but what I've discovered are Israeli documents which are the secret annexes of the commission of inquiry into the Sabra and Shatila massacres now the Khan Commission whitewashed the Israelis basically let them off very easily shut on the other generals beggin they were they were described as having made mistakes but the full the full horror of what was going on was in the eye Naxos and we now have the annexes and the degree of coordination between the Americans and the Israelis and between the Lebanese Forces and the Israelis is truly horrifying it's about 500 pages of these documents and I think the important thing that they show is that the United States promised the PLO that it would protect the civilian populations in the refugee camps when the PLO military forces who had protected those camps left according to the terms of the agreement we have the agreement on plain paper there are multiple documents that show that the United States gave those guarantees they never were faithful to those guarantees and these documents show throw a great deal of light on it let me let me bring this to a conclusion the fifth war I'm not going to talk about in detail it's in the newspapers every day it's the ongoing war on Gaza which is again it's not a war between Hamas or ahead and and Israel it's an Israeli war on Gaza these realities kill somebody and then there's a reaction and they say this is a war it's not a war one of the most powerful countries on earth is using you know how many bombs and shells they fired at Gaza in 2014 21 kilotons 21 kilotons a kiloton is a nuclear bomb the equivalent of 21 medium-sized nuclear bombs were dropped on Gaza this is not a war between Hamas what did Hamas do you read the Israeli sources and you see the volume of fire from Gaza and you compare that to 21 kilotons it's about a war it's time there's simply no way of talking about what's happening in Gaza as a of war I won't go into that anymore now I want to talk about some of the more positive aspects of this book because I think I've depressed you completely I often do that this book doesn't only analyze the parties that launched this Hundred Years War on Palestine and it doesn't only analyze the settler colonial nature of the war it also describes the successes and the failures of Palestinian efforts to resist this war whether this came in the form of attempts to defend Palestine in the past in people with arms in the 1930s during the thorah in 1947-48 resisting the zionist occupation or through the rise of the PLO in the 1960s or whether this resistance to other forms such as the First Intifada which was a mainly peaceful nonviolent Intifada or the PLO successful diplomatic strategy in the 1960s and 70s I go through both the successes and the failures there are many failures there are actually a few successes and I think that these episodes especially the successes were among the most successful campaigns in a century of Palestinian resistance we we commemorate our defeats so we we commemorate Balfour we commemorate the passage of the of the partition resolution these are defeats we should also I think celebrate not just celebrate but study our successes like the First Intifada and I try and draw some lessons from these successes and from the failures for the future I'm not going to go into this now it's a whole that would be a whole lecture but what I'm arguing in the book is that there's much in the history of Palestinian resistance to this war on Palestine and the Palestinian people that can and should be studied in order to devise new strategies for the Palestinians in the present and in the future now before I end I want to leave you with a ray of hope about this hundred years of war and I understand that it's very hard to think of a ray of hope in a situation where there are many negative trends but in order to reverse those negative trends I think several conditions will have to be achieved one of them and I'm not going to talk in detail about this I don't think there's anybody in this room who would disagree with me one of these conditions is Palestinian unity and not just Palestinian unity not just some ramshackle agreement forced through between factions that are basically both bankrupt and have no strategy but a real unity around a real strategic plan this is absolutely necessary it's not present today there's no strategy there's no plan the National movement is divided and I think it is at one of its lowest levels since 1919 and I think that the first precondition for changing the negative trends is for the palette in order for the Palestinians to achieve their rights is to achieve real unity around a real clear strategic objective that's the first the second is equally important in the 30s in the 40s in the 50s in the 60s in the 70s Palestinians understood that they were part of this bita of this environment this Arab environment and they understood how important that was I think we've forgotten that a little bit another precondition for changing the situation is a fundamental change in the Arab situation this can't be done by the Palestinians so the Arab peoples themselves the vision weakness dependence on outside powers is a vital precondition for the hegemony of Israel in this region it was necessary for them to win the 67 war it was necessary for them to win the 82 war it is necessary for them to can you continue to dominate as long as the abbé countries can't see beyond the end of their nose none of them can agree with one another as long as they're fighting each other in Libya Libya is an Arab war inter are abhor Yemen and other parts of the Arab world by proxy we cannot possibly have the precondition for changing the Palestinian situation we have to do the biggest job any unity and strategy but this is a second thing that's important equally serious in the Arab world is the absence of egalitarian democracy in most of our countries the Arab Center in Doha in Qatar does a survey of 12 countries thousands of course of respondents public opinion is supportive of the Palestinians why does that not translate into policy because the government's don't represent their peoples it's very simple if you had democratic governments in the Arab world public opinion would at least be able to make itself heard can public opinion make itself heard in Egypt or most other Arab countries no no it cannot and so you have governments that do anything they want or more more specifically anything America or Israel want without having to worry about their people if you had a democracy you would have what we have in the United States a corrupt dysfunctional system but but one where public opinion can have an effect we have a corrupt dysfunctional system where public opinion is excluded and so democracy is bad but it's better the alternatives that's Churchill who said that actually big colonialist and a big Zionist but anyway so this is absolutely this is a prerequisite for a change this situation these regimes this anti-democratic the Arab world is a anomaly in the entire world East Asia used to have dictatorial regimes South Korea Taiwan Southeast Asia South Asia Africa East Europe communist governments Latin America in most of those regions there are some autocratic regimes with their many democratically only the Arab world is an exception in the entire world one absolute monarchy after one military dictatorship after one miserable oligarchy that steals all the money that's all we have there are a few exceptions queit here Lebanon and even Lebanon you can see the mess that Lebanon said could they have a democracy but they they don't have any Cala terrian Demong there are young people should care what's happening in Algeria what's happening in Sudan what's happening in Lebanon what's happening in Iraq are a sign that the people don't accept this now can they overcome the Oleg are keys that steal all the money that's another another question Iraq produces four and a half billion four and a half million barrels of oil per day price of oil is around 60 bucks $60 that's a hundred billion dollars a year they don't have clean water they don't have electricity they don't have source they have a hundred billion dollars a year all of it being stolen none of it going to any and they have a democracy which is why the people are in the streets right I want to come to the the area where I think there is the most hope and you're gonna be surprised when I say this because I'm going to talk about the United States in Europe now these are the essential backers of this colonial settler war on Palestine and here we have a president in the United States who's the most Pro Israeli leader the United States has ever had here we have legal campaigns against BDS against Palestinian rights president just issued an executive order on Wednesday which will which with which he's going to try and shut down any any attempt to talk about Palestine by describing it as anti-semitic we have a new prime minister in Britain who was the most pro-israel Prime Minister and there have been many going right back to Lloyd George in a very long time in spite of this in spite of these campaigns in spite of these hostile governments there is a growing groundswell of popular support for Palestinian rights in at least in the United States in many areas I'm going to talk about five the first is on campuses on American campuses in spite of literally tens of millions of dollars being spent by the other side Ron louder estée louder's son former president of the conference of matric Jewish organization has pledged 25 million dollars to fight BDS 25 million dollars sheldon adelson the biggest donor to trump has pledged 4 million dollars and there's a dozen of them there's 20 of them the 50 of them each one giving millions in spite of that BDS is winning Columbia student council voted a week ago 25 to 12 to have a BDS referendum the Barnard students voted last year in favor of BDS the brown students voted last year in favor of BDS these are Ivy League universities no but not that the not bitly Bennett and many of the students are Jewish who were voting for BDS a very large proportion of them Barnard after yeshiva and Brandeis has the highest proportion of Jewish students of any American University they voted in favor of BDS last year that you have that kind of thing happening all over college campuses BDS is not going to achieve a boycott there's not gonna be a boycott of Israel it's not going to achieve divestment Barnard turned down the vote the university administration it's not going to even as few sanctions but has opened up the issue in a way where we were winning people over to our side just by the issue that they've never allowed to be debated remember the idea was to not have any mention of Palestine to obliterate mention of Palestine and that's always been an objective as I Herzl says it in his Diaries we just want to get rid of them we want them to disappear we want them to not exist BDS is making us is bringing us into existence on college campuses where the brains of a new generation of the palace of the Arab sorry of the American upper middle and middle classes are being trained and educated this is an astonishing achievement by a bunch of students there's nobody helping them this is not faculty it's not me two students they never ask me questions you know your daughters they never they never come to us they do whatever they want and they do it very well actually so that's one area where there's been remark progress another area is within the Democratic Party now the Democratic Party was the party of Harry Truman who is the man who is responsible for partition in 1947 Democratic Party has always been very very pro-israel but things are changing Democratic Party is changing at the base it has more young people it has more minorities it has more liberal supporters and it is turning more and more sympathetic to Palestinian rights in addition Trump's embrace and the Republican Party's embrace of Netanyahu and the Israeli right has alienated most Democrats even the Zionist leadership of the Democratic Party Nancy Pelosi Chuck Schumer Obama the Clintons even those people are being forced by the base to move a little bit and the base is pushing pushing pushing you have candidates for the presidency of the United States saying aid to Israel should be conditioned on proper treatment of the Palestinians it would have been inconceivable in American political discourse twenty or ten years ago and that's an indication of where they think the base of the party is I'm not saying that's going to lead to political change today or tomorrow or next year or in three years but it's a sign of the times and it's very important if one of the two major political parties decides to take a position in favor of Palestinian rights things eventually could change third area where there has been major change is within the Jewish community I could go into the reasons why this has been the case I don't want to go into any detail but there has been enormous swing especially among young people in the Jewish community who are becoming more critical of Israel and more sympathetic to Palestinian rights there are many pro-israel organizations on campus and across the United States but the ones that now have the most support and are growing in size and strength are things like Jewish Voice for Peace J Street not in our name Jewish organizations made up mainly of young people who are supportive of Palestinian rights those are the ones that are growing and there are many Zionist students met they're very strong or supporting Israel on campus and among young people but this is changing and it's changing actually more rapidly than I would have expected there's a fourth area where we have where there have been significant changes and this is academia it is almost impossible in American academia to publish the kinds of lies about Palestine that were considered truth 30 or 40 years ago whether in sociology whether in history political science anthropology overwhelming majorities of Middle East Studies of American Studies of ethnic studies of anthropologists people in English in comparative literature are increasingly sympathetic to Palestine and the kinds of things that were taught to students the kinds of lies that were peddled to students in the past are just no longer in the academic are no longer in academic discourse there are many Zionists and universities there are many powerful people in administration's who fight tooth and nail against this shift but many many things are changing we have established the Center for Palestine studies as Sonia as Hannah mentioned it's ten years old next year there's New Directions in Palestine studies at Brown universities there are two centers in England one at Exeter and one at at so us this is completely new there are many many Israel study centers we have a Institute for Israel and Jewish Studies at the Columbia campus richly endowed millions of dollars in endowment we have more people at our activities which we financed ourselves a faculty and we get we get support from our own community we have more students and more community people come to our events than they have go to their events they have all the money in the world and we have people or at least more people than they do and that's just one example um I'll give you one more example I edit the journal of Palestine Studies which has been in existence now for decades and everything that we have is online you can get it through JSTOR if you have a university or otherwise you can purchase it last year we had two hundred thousand and four downloads of articles from the Journal of Palestine Studies think about that that means people actually took the time to download a whole article two hundred thousand of them that's what academics are reading that's the we're now respectable our production is now seen by students writing papers by by graduate students writing dissertations as czar resource this is new we didn't have two hundred thousand downloads ten years ago I promise you and that's an example of the change the last change I want to talk about is among Arab Americans and Muslim Americans you've heard of Rashidah played you've heard of it Hannah Ahmad they're just two examples of a much broader phenomenon because Arab Americans and Muslim Americans are becoming more active politically more of them are running for office you don't hear about the ones who run for mayor of Paterson the mayor Paterson is Palestinian big city in New Jersey you don't hear about the ones who are on the City Council in Brooklyn actually father a team lost the race but he almost won you don't hear about the fact that Arabs Palestinians Arabs and Muslims are becoming more politically active there's a reason for this the reason for this is that every other major ethnic community in the United States from African Americans to Jewish Americans to Italian Americans whatever the big ones they've been in the United States for over a century United States changed its immigration laws in 1924 to keep out Arabs Chinese blacks Jews and so on but those people they've been there for six seven eight generations they're assimilated they're American they have confidence they've won political power most Palestinians most Arabs most Muslims came after that law was changed in 1965 so we're just now getting the second and third generation of people who are fully American speak perfect English have been to university and their parents went to university the generation before people like Edward sight and bringing on the Lord Allah at Hamline were people who are born here and came to the United States went to the United States these are people born in the United States they have full confidence in themselves as Americans they understand the law they understand the political system and they are doing amazing things and it is gonna it's going to change American politics we have a bunch of cities we have the Bay Area we have the Houston area we have Detroit and Dearborn we have northern New Jersey we have the south west side of Chicago well you have if not Arab majorities huge Arab populations and Muslim populations that block will control city councils will control House seats will control local politics and that's the building block for the Senate the house and ultimately politics in the United States it's a complicated long process but it's clearly beginning plate let me conclude Israel and the Zionist movement are and have always been dependent on support from abroad now this is not to deny that Israel is a powerful state this is not deny that Israel has enormous capabilities nuclear technological and many other spheres but it needs a Metropole like the United States to succeed the trends that I have been talking about Arab American and Muslim American participation academia the Democratic Party the Jewish changes in the Jewish community and changes on campus these trends these trends show that something is changing in the United States and they underline the incompatibility of a state that is created exclusively for one people in a country that had an indigenous population that's been oppressed those those the what's in the Israeli nation state law passed last year or earlier this year what what Israel is now proudly proclaiming only Jews have a right to self-determination in the Land of Israel is incompatible with liberal democratic values now there are illiberal undemocratic people like himself and those people will have to will have to be overcome but there are a lot of people who don't believe in those kinds of racist anti-democratic values those people are a majority in the United States and sooner or later that's going to change things um I was talking to Mazen come see you are you Meza no don't see you anyway I was talking to Messner clumsy and something that I wrote in my book he says to me I wrote ten years ago which is that there are only three outcomes for settler colonial situations the first is that settlers eliminate the indigenous population that's what happened in Australia that's what happened in North America it's what happened in New Zealand second popular the second possibility is that the settlers are driven out it's what happened in Algeria that's not usually what happens usually or often what happens is that some form of coexistence is finally reached between the indigenous population and the settlers without discrimination and without oppression which means in effect without Zionism now that's pie in the sky that's not something that's gonna happen tomorrow we're still far away from such an ideal situation but I argue in this book is that the growth of the trends that I've talked about in the United States means that there's now a fighting chance for resistance to this colonial settler project in the Metropole which it can't do without hopefully sooner or later the situation in Palestine in the Arab world will change for the better when that happens then the war on Palestine can finally be brought to an end and the people of Palestine can finally find peace thank you very much and yes should I take my own questions yeah [Music] instead the city will either be opening this totally to conditions mohei mean la la serie Tahrir minute - shall L falestine al-arabi a khatallah Palestinian unity sorry um Ken Salazar Palala Palestinian unity not easy o Mishka hadif in circle a la nam el na na nanika Fahad she snooze new Martha Shoffner phrase a bit na na ki a lake not Egypt ali bhutto 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what what's happened about the ambition of some people to free Palestine from the river to the sea what authority do we have to say for people who have lived in Jaffa in in in Accra and do we do we have the right to surrender their homes their lands their history there and say well we want what's there in the West Bank and had two estates a two-state solution I didn't say that when I said coexistence I said coexistence without oppression and without discrimination how do what we have now what we have now is a situation imposed on us by Zionism we have to finish with that that's what that's what our liberation is going to entail and it's not just our liberation settler colonial projects create people's there is a thing called the American people created by the destruction of Native Americans by their millions and the enslaving of Africans by their minions it exists it is a racist country with all kinds of terrible terrible leftovers from the time of slavery and from the time of the elimination of the of the Native American population but it is a people the Zionism against everybody's expectation seems to have created a population that's now been there three or four generations now I don't think that it is physically possible or morally right to eliminate them or to kick them out how do you live with them that's another problem but there are there is now implanted in our land and other people we have succeeded as the Algerians succeeded we have succeeded as the South Africans have succeeded in not being eliminated there's some organi this this resistance has enabled us to maintain as many people in Palestine a little more probably than they have then they have brought but they've been there now for generations and generations they're not going anywhere most of them well some of them may but I think that if you if your aim is to liberate and by that you mean reverse the process of history I don't think that's gonna happen it happened in Algeria for very specific reasons it happened exactly in Algeria and it happens in very very few other cases if you go and check the history of settler colonial experiments it doesn't happen in many cases I mean even today in Kenya there's still a settler population they live on a basis of equality and they're in a much different situation as our South Africa because there's so many fewer they've succeeded in bringing this enormous settler population the country we should look at is not Algeria the country we should look at is Ireland Ireland is the oldest example of settler colonialism eight hundred years of the English implanting English and Scots settlers in order to hold down the Irish and the Irish are the only people between the two wars that succeeded in liberating themselves partially the Irish Republic there's still the six counties and I would bet that they're gonna figure out a way to coexist with their settlers they have to you can't you can't tell somebody who came in 1400 go back to Scotland they're 12 14 20 generations by the time we finish this process of liberation they're going to be 10 12 6 8 generations you're gonna say to them you don't belong here they can't control us they can't claim they're the only people with rights they can't discriminate against us they can't take our property but to say they can't live here no not only kids I'm just a matter of living there they have created a national entity like all of the other settler colonial national entities they have horrible character go to Australia's worse than the United States in terms of the racism and the discrimination against the aboriginal native Australian population but that it is it is a reality Australia you can't turn back the clock and return it to the indigenous population it's just not going to happen um so that's the that's your second question your first question was about anti-zionism and anti-semitism this is a desperate ploy by the Zionists when you don't have an argument basically you say I don't allow you to talk and they're reduced to this because they don't have an argument anymore they have a nation state law which claims the entire country belongs only to them they have a Rabbinate which discriminates against American conservative and reformed Jews they have a system that's becoming more and more autocratic they have all kinds of things that are alienating even their own supporters and and to say that this cannot be criticized leaving out leaving aside what they do to us is outrageous and the amazing thing is that if you look at the people who are opposing this many of them are pro-israel Democrats they say you cannot stifle freedom of speech some of them if you read very carefully they say but many anti Zionists are Jews what's wrong with being anti Zionist it's one solution to the Jewish problem it's probably not the correct solution it caused enormous misery to Jews look what it did to the Jewish populations of the Arab world Zionism destroyed the oldest Jewish populations in the world in Baghdad in Damascus it destroyed them it wasn't us I mean Arab Arabs participated but the but but the real the the the the thing that forced the Iraqi Jews to flee was the setting off bombs and synagogues and Jewish cultural centres by people working for the Mossad I actually have an Iraqi Jewish friend who told me his mother introduced him to an old man in Israel who told him we were involved in it I can tell you who the station chief in Tehran was he's the same guy who did the American who blew up the American institutions in Cairo in 1954 so what they didn't back that in 51 they did that Zionism that's one of many many things that's so Jews know this finally Jews Mizrahi Jews Arab Jews are beginning to question all of this time fine that's fine and they won't those are people who will also be with us in saying no Zionism should be criticized it's not anti-semitic are there people who are anti-semites who hide behind anti-zionism of course there are anti-semitism is very powerful in the United States it's even more powerful in Europe it led to the destruction of six million Jews and it led to Jews being kicked out of country after country under the 14th century Europeans and Italy France Spain England so it's it's a powerful force and of course some people will hide behind anti-zionism but that doesn't mean that I sign it and that's it that's an elementary argument so I think I think we're gonna win this it's gonna be very hard because the the weight of the money behind this campaign is impressive but I think we're gonna we have in the United States the First Amendment which protects free speech and it's not just some law it's the Constitution of the land and many many people are committed to it including people who like Israel so I think in time we're gonna win this yes Arup revival now stronger representation Knesset how does that add to the five you know bright points that you talked about jobs that may support the Palestinian I think we have to learn a lot from men are right meaning the people inside inside inside I think they're people who understand things about Zionism we don't fully understand I mean I I've lived in the United States about half my life I grew up in New York City okay I've been arguing with Zionists since I was a little boy I thought I knew all the arguments I thought I understood I talked to people like what's his name but I'm using all kinds of people I meet from penetrating they they have insights into our dilemma and how to get out of it and how the Israelis operate that we don't have and they some of their legal people are absolutely fantastic so I think leaving aside the political the obvious you know the idea that you get a few more deputies in the Knesset and that will change anything I'm not sure that will but I think that generally speaking even though there are all kinds of negative trends in insight in the palette and the Palestinian community inside Israel there are some very very positive trends and there's stuff that we should be learning from them we outside and we in in Palestine in in in Buffy Kitana the idea that we can't talk to anybody unless they agree with us completely I fully disagree with that I mean normalization is something we should avoid of course but if there are people who will lie with you on tactical issues I a lie in the United States those people I do not agree with because they are against this this law and anti-semitism and anti-zionism can I say no you're not pure enough you have to draw some blood and right in in blood on a piece of paper I am an anti Zionist before I'll agree to talk to you no no if they have helped me win a battle and then I'm fighting with them on something fanatical and I think the people inside tomorrow I remain have figured that out they understand how to how to fight them in a way that we haven't fully understood yeah this side this type of trouble looking forward for the book but in our term here this is the big man sir for the short attention span of American audience so I'm thinking how how is it gonna be to the average person maybe like had a mission the scholar the politician would go for it and I was looking for any hint on the power of the voters who believe that they should gather in this place at the end of the world so how would you change this mentality you're talking about the evangelicals yeah I I don't think I'm gonna convince the in angelical so don't know don't get your hopes up type III I don't I don't have the belief that a book I write is going to change the American political scene I will convince convince whoever reads it if I have enough publicity and and maybe I'll sell you know enough books to reach some people but it's part of a drumbeat every week or two I get a new novel or a new personal testimony about Palestine that means those books are being published because publishers publish books because they sell books if it doesn't sell they don't publish it if they're publishing it means it sells that means people are reading it and there are more and more and more of these Arab themes Muslim themes with mainly Palestinian and the same is true in academia and the same is true online there's just an enormous proliferation of resources for ordinary people and for intellectuals and for students so I think it's a process you know this book and books like it over time I think will ultimately have an effect as will social media as will many many many other things the the the the media environment is changing it used to be the case that if they controlled the New York Times and they controlled CNN or ABC Santa you couldn't get a word in edgewise none of my students read the New York Times none of them are maybe a tiny percentage of them they get enormous ibly broad-ranging news from an extremely wide range of sources they can't all that and they can they're they're very sophisticated in their judgment they have very short attention spans don't make them read twelve paragraphs but if it's short and it's good or if it's bad they know they're very very discriminating and that's why the good information is beating the bad information that's why some of these students are coming over because the material is beginning to be out there okay this side now yes and then then then this side reference to your five wars on Palestine I remember a map from the essay McMullen letters that literally gave saying afsane the whole Arabia except there was a hashed area from on the Mediterranean from the very north of Syria all the way to the south of Palestine so and this was to be discussed to be to be negotiated so I don't know maybe I would add it as a subset of your first because that's what there was an intention I don't know if it superseded your first war which is the world for decoration or before but but there was definitely in even in that aspect the same so take Arabia take the does but leave that part for the that's one point the other where my question comes is I I always thought living in North America I was AI always perceived the the attraction of Israel was being a colonial a mushroom erosion a bit bill multiple the okay the Western civilized and and people like that people related to it because it is bad because it it relates to us it's like us so my question is and now things are moving through the changing social media my question to you is there is a change so how can we change how can we accelerate the change for we like them because they're like us against the homogeny in the First Nations too we like them because they have a cause just like some North American for instance Canada is much better than the than the US in accepting the grievances that they've done to First Nations so and so my question is how can you do you think and you deal with students how can we accelerate that acceptance to the Hermit Aryan or the the cause of the proceeding thank you very much I think we do that by humanizing ourselves by portraying ourselves in a proper light you're completely right the the most influential film for the generation of the 60s in the United States was a film called Exodus which explicitly compares what the Israelis are doing to the Arabs to what the Americans did to the Native Americans the echoes are are unmistakable so you're completely right they dehumanize the Arabs as they had dehumanized Native Americans and they humanize the Israelis so Paul Newman plays Ari Ben cannon or something like I forget his name and he's you know he's a white American guy like them and so you're exactly right we have to do the same thing this flood of literature that humanizes Palestinians it's it's not a flood yet it's too big it's a big trickle is one element in this um there's a wonderful book by ami Kaplan called our American Israel she's an American Studies person at Penn she's a historian she shows how the media and how culture have helped to create this image of their like us and she shows how there were moments when we broke through that one moment was the Hasaan in 82 suddenly Israel was Goliath Israel was bombing a city killed seventeen thousand people fifteen thousand of them civilians in Beirut everybody saw that they were monsters we were heroes it was brief they turned it around into file that owner the same exact thing happened but that went on for three years four years and the palestinians were humanized the palestinians were a kid throwing a stone the Israelis were mad cava tank these are bad guys these are good guys unfortunately it takes those kinds of the Second Intifada that did us a lot of harm in that regard because we again we came out looking like the bad guys but that's not an easy thing to do and they I mean public relations is something they're masters of the book this book our American Israel by Amy Kaplan she talks exactly how they up she talks exactly about how they turned some of these things around it's it's it's not easy but it's doable 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elephant who solicits a ham sandwich wish I had a Z comma had been kamikaze Arabs any something pathetic what's Kaveri cannibal puffy obit man alright mafia you know how I was even feeling Morgan my feeling at law haddock and Asia had been after Wyatt the limos bought the tyrant mischievous should find the schooi hydrazine and that's it not a xxx hackett strategy here type airships Hawara Hawara loft just wait for a microphone so you talked clearly and detailed how the war is joint but I don't believe it has been as vocal disjoint forces as the Trump administration and the recent decisions to make Jerusalem the capital and to declare that the settlements are not illegal and do not infringe on international law yes this is Eleni Ali Ali and he thinks some people from the Democratic Party but not the Republicans do you think that vocalization is really offsetting the positive trends that you mentioned or not the difference in my view between every administration that came before and this administration Amma said isn't Arabic is canvased Ronald they used to hide what they did I mean you're a historian had to dig 30 years after the fact to find the the the actual incriminating evidence of thought of complicity it was very hard today it's not hard because he he's not ashamed of what he's doing that's partly for domestic reasons and it's partly because of his alliance with the right wing in Israel and it's partly because of the Arab situation because you have Arab countries that for five or ten years believe that their only real enemy is Iran and that believes that Israel will protect them or that believe America will protect us our regimes not us the people they don't care about their people they care about their regime they'll protect us on our on our Thrones because we go to the Israelis they may not even want anything from the Israelis but they know that the road to Washington goes through Tel Aviv or at least that's what they've been told since said that bought that back in the 70s and it's a it's a it's a powerful disincentive for the United States to hide anything if you have Arab governments that have security arrangements with Israel that have air defense system that are operated by the Israelis which is the case with some Gulf countries then what's what's the reason to hide any of this also Trump's electoral base is somebody asked about the Evangelic goals it's a good question I didn't answer it Trump's electoral base includes of Angelico's more than includes Jews majority of the Jewish community in the United States will vote for whatever Democratic presidential candidate is nominated seventy something percent of them voted for Democrats in the congressional elections of 2018 Trump doesn't get their votes he doesn't care she cares about money and there are many very rich very conservative Jewish donors but he cares more about votes he cares more about the key States in the electoral college it's America United States has a very old eighteenth-century aristocratic slaveholding Constitution that's designed to protect the power of rural elites and rich people that's the people who wrote it were rural slaveholding elites Hamilton Washington and so on Jefferson and that's what it protects it protects the power of smaller states rural areas and it militates against the cities which is what it was meant to do in 1789 and it still does that so all he has to do is to win those areas that give him an electoral victory he lost by three million almost three million votes last time there's a calculation by Nate Cohn in the New York Times he could lose by five million votes and still win in 2020 so that's all he cares about and for those people what he does for Israel is is is wonderful they want the end of days they want Armageddon they want you know what they want and so for them these things are bringing about the the the religious conclusion that they want and these are a part of his core support so I I think that I I honestly think it's better to have it all out in the open myself it means that the the battle lines aren't more clearly drawn and when Trump does what he did the other day why don't some of my colleagues at Columbia who opposed the measure that some of us supported were exposed basically you're standing with Trump that's really where you want to be fun you'd do that you're not liberal you're not open-minded you're not democratic you don't believe in equality that's now you're exposed so I actually don't think that it means that the battle lines are more clearly drawn right now they don't look very advantageous because it looks right now like he may be reelected so we have another four more years of hell in the United States and Boris has just been elected god help us type I'm told we have to stop [Applause]

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Length: 93min 4sec (5584 seconds)

Published: Thu Jan 16 2020