Slanted Journalism and the 2020 Election | Sharyl Attkisson

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To complement the posted video clip....

The Big Money Behind the Narrative – Sharyl Attkisson on Media Bias & Spin -
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DwuyUcA0s8s

β€œThere are all kinds of people paying an awful lot of money to pull strings behind the scenes to make sure we see certain things on the news, read things in the news, and that we do not see certain things on the news.”

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I watched this earlier today and loved it, I even sent it to some friends. Definitely support this post.

πŸ‘οΈŽ︎ 4 πŸ‘€οΈŽ︎ u/luvthe1ugot πŸ“…οΈŽ︎ Mar 17 2021 πŸ—«︎ replies

Vid. offers a deep insight into the shenanigans by MSM on every level...Thanks!

πŸ‘οΈŽ︎ 2 πŸ‘€οΈŽ︎ u/Finding_Ok πŸ“…οΈŽ︎ Mar 18 2021 πŸ—«︎ replies
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SPEAKER 1: OK, now for our final speaker of the day. We were chatting after lunch. We think it was three or maybe four years ago that she last spoke for us. And we're glad she could come back. Sharyl Attkisson is a five-time Emmy award winning investigative journalist. Many of you know her as the managing editor and host of Sinclair Broadcast Group's excellent Sunday Morning News program "Full Measure." Previously, she was a correspondent for "CBS News" and an anchor and correspondent for CNN. And I promised her we wouldn't hold that last bit about CNN against her. In addition, she hosted "Health Week," a weekly medical news magazine on PBS. In addition to her Emmys, her many other awards, include The Barbara Olson Award for Excellence and Independence in Journalism, and the Edward R Murrow Award for Excellence in Investigative Reporting. Somehow in the midst of her top-notch reporting work, she finds time to write best selling books. The most recent of these is titled, "Slanted: How the News Media Taught Us to Love Censorship and Hate Journalism." She'll be drawing on themes from that book in her talk today. Would you please welcome back to the podium, Sharyl Attkisson. [APPLAUSE] SHARYL ATTKISSON: So good to be here in person. I haven't been doing many in-person appearances. Boy, can you guys see me? I feel like I'm totally hidden. Yeah. If you guys have a stool, if someone has a small thing, maybe you want to bring it. OK. I, too, have some slides that I can't see at all from here. Maybe I'll stand over here. Now I'm messing up the camera shot. Well, I'll just stand on my toes a little bit until we get a stool. But today I'm speaking about, let's see the first slide, journalism and the 2020 election. Slanted journalism. And I hope you can take today's speech, maybe have a little fun with it. Because as sad as these trends are, maybe when we talk about them together, and think about ways to stay informed and address these things, we can at least be entertained by some of the outrage, really, that the news business has become. Let's begin by tracing the well-organized and well-funded movement to corner the market on information and narratives. [APPLAUSE] This movement, I think, was designed specifically in part, to keep President Trump from serving his full term, or if that failed, to impact the 2020 race. This whole strategy relied heavily on slanted journalism. And that required major news outlets to suspend their normal ethics and guidelines, which astonishingly enough, they did, unabashedly. And admitted to it, outright, saying that it was necessary to change the way we do business because President Trump was so uniquely dangerous. So in the past few years, we've experienced a sea change in terms of how the media do their job. The emergence of Trump as a viable political candidate accelerated this devolution. No longer do reporters, as you know, keep their opinions firewalled from their stories. Their stories are rife with their opinions. Dubious anonymous sources are repeatedly relied upon even after they've repeatedly proven shamefully unreliable. Basic fact checks go unconducted as long as the news furthers an anti-Trump narrative. Egregious reporting mistakes, and we'll talk about some of those today, are made by the same outlets, and sometimes the same reporters, over and over again. And yet are magically forgiven. Journalism ethical standards are bent or suspended so that Trump could be covered more aggressively and in a one-sided fashion. Some of the best evidence for this can be found in a June 2017 opinion piece by a guy named Mitchell Stephens and it was published in "Politico." Stephens is a journalism professor at New York University. In his article, he cheers on the end of media objectivity. Oh, hold on just a moment. We may have a solution here. Thank you. That ought to do it. Thank you. Much better. Thank you. OK. I'll be careful. Thank you. So he cheers on the end of media objectivity under a new President Trump, who was under attack by the media. The headline to his article was, "Goodbye Nonpartisan Journalism. And good riddance. Disinterested reporting is overrated." It's shocking that a journalism professor, someone teaching up-and-coming professionals in the field of news, considers disinterested reporting to be overrated. Disinterested reporting was, I thought, always thought of as a pillar of good journalism. Tossing it aside is, I think, a bit like a medical school professor telling medical school students that diet and exercise are overrated. In fact, they're fundamental. Neutrality and objectivity in news reporting are fundamental. But if one were trying to brainwash people into thinking journalism is really about the opposite thing, then yes, one would say the fundamentals are outdated and to be rejected. Stephens goes on in his very partisan piece to heap praise upon the New York Times' public dissent into blatant partisanship. He writes, "Our most respected mainstream journalism organizations are beginning to recognize the failings of nonpartisanship. Its tepidness, its blindspots, its omissions, its evasions." He says, "It was news when the patriarch of American journalism, The New York Times, finally used the word 'lie' in a headline atop its front page September 17, 2016, to describe a Trump assertion." Stephens goes on to note with satisfaction that other legacy media followed suit. He wrote, "Other legacy journalism organizations began more regularly calling out Trump's falsehoods if not actually accusing him of lying." About a week later, the Los Angeles Times declared, also on page one, "Never in modern presidential politics has a major candidate made false statements as routinely as Trump has." On April 5th, 2017, The New York Times, reflecting the New World Order quickly changed a headline from, "Trump says Susan Rice may have committed a crime," to, "Trump, citing no evidence, suggests Susan Rice committed a crime." Anchorman Scott Pelley at CBS upped the ante by calling Trump's statements "divorced from reality." No attribution, just Pelley's own critical opinion. So what the Journalism Professor Stephens sees as worthy of a claim, I see as irresponsible. A journalism professor is teaching a new generation of reporters to inject agendas and opinions in their reporting, to forget about the firewall that we used to attempt to put between news and opinion. That kind of reporting that Stephens applauds would have gotten a traditional news journalist fired not all that long ago. Today it's part of what makes it so easy for the narrative to take hold and can make it so difficult for the truth to be told. There's endless evidence for this sort of slanted reporting today. Little quiz for you. Based on this headline in The Atlantic, who would you guess came out on top in a September 2019 election in North Carolina? Democrats or Republicans? It says, "North Carolina Gives Republicans a Wake-Up Call. The results of a special election portend trouble for the GOP in 2020." Sure sounds as though Republicans got their clocks cleaned. After all, the headline states they got a wake-up call and the results portend trouble for the GOP. So you might be surprised to learn, as I was that, the Republicans actually had a successful night. It's laid out right there in the article if you get past the misleading headline. Here we go. In a congressional race, the Republican candidate beat the Democrat by a far wider margin, it says, of 4,000 votes. And separately, in a state special election, Republican Greg Murphy won as expected. How on Earth did those Republican victories elicit a headline implying that the Republican had lost? It's as if somebody was bent on pushing a particular narrative, regardless of how the actual election turned out. In this way, we can see how reporters who are pushing a narrative don't care much about the facts. Pesky facts that contradict a narrative are nothing more than a nuisance to brush off. Reporters simply devise ways to dispense of them. Another example demonstrates nearly every trademark of a narrative and the perils that come with reporters advancing it blindly. On April 15, 2020, Politico reports that President Trump owed the Bank of China tens of millions of in a loan coming due in 2022 as he dealt with China on the coronavirus pandemic. The implication there is that Trump can't be as tough as he needs to be on China, and Chinese leaders, for unleashing COVID-19 and covering up its seriousness because he is beholden to them. This news makes headlines around the world. "Trump owes tens of millions to the Bank of China. And the loan is due soon," blares the headline on Politico. "Donald Trump's debt to China," reads The New York Times' headline. And National Review, "Trump owes millions to Bank of China for building loan, reports show." But it isn't true. Shortly after this news circled the Earth, the Bank of China issued a statement saying it had held that Trump loan only for 22 days before selling it to a US real estate firm in 2012. In other words, tens of millions of dollars that Trump supposedly owed China, due soon, was actually owed for only three weeks back in 2012, eight years before. Obviously, these facts negate the whole idea behind this story. But the media are not about to admit that they made a mistake. Politico simply changes its headline, Trump owes, to Trump owed China. Past tense. They and the other media pretend the false information they published had little bearing on the actual news. National Review, likewise, simply changes Trump owes to Trump owed. Politico could have avoided the error if it hadn't failed to follow a basic rule that's taught to every 19- and 20-year-old journalism student. Contact the people you're talking about in a story before you publish. Of the three reporters bylined in the article, Marc Caputo, Meridith McGraw and Anita Kumar, none apparently thought to contact the Bank of China before publishing the story. And apparently, no editor thought it was necessary to do so, either. Had they done their job, they likely would have learned, prior to publication as they were supposed to, that there was no current loan to Trump from China, thus avoiding their major flub. There are so many of these mistakes. it starts to look like a pattern, a strategy against Trump. Not just sloppy mistakes. And I tracked the major media mistakes and never found one that favored Trump. That starts to look like a pattern, too. On Thanksgiving Day, 2019, a little less than a year from election day, we passed the one hundredth major media mistake in the era of Trump, by my count. This error was committed by Newsweek's political reporter, Jessica Kwong, who wrote a story and published a tweet asking, "How did Trump spend Thanksgiving? Tweeting, golfing, and more." She went on to write that Trump was spending Thanksgiving Day at his Mar-a-Lago resort in Palm Beach, Florida. The story implied that Trump was, once again, goofing off compared to his heroic predecessor, President Obama, who used to only do selfless things. [LAUGHTER] The problem is, her story was false. Trump had actually left Florida the evening before Thanksgiving to fly to Afghanistan, where he spent the holiday, not golfing, but serving dinner to US troops. [APPLAUSE] When her mistake became clear the reporter, Kwong, claimed she'd made an honest mistake. On Twitter, she wrote that she was deleting her earlier, incorrect tweet with fabricated information about Trump because, quote, "It was written before knowing about the president's surprise visit to Afghanistan." There are five key problems with this explanation from an ethical standpoint in journalism. So I'm going to go over those. First, she demonstrated a shocking lack of reportorial knowledge. I'm not a political reporter, nor do I closely follow the White House. Yet, I knew enough to wonder, whether on a holiday, the president might be making a surprise visit to the troops on Thanksgiving because all recent presidents have done this at one time or another. One would think a national political reporter and her editors would know to watch for a possible surprise visit by the president. Second, that Newsweek article demonstrated an inexcusable failure to attribute. Kwong's mistake wouldn't have been as problematic if she had attributed the claim that Trump was golfing on Thanksgiving to an actual source, instead of reporting it as if it were her own firsthand confirmed information. Kwong isn't the only one who seems to have abandoned the basic journalistic practice of attributing information to its source. Reporters now routinely declare information to be a fact as if they have personally confirmed it, when they could not possibly have done so. There was no election fraud, or there wasn't enough to change the outcome of the election. The reporters claiming these things haven't gone to any precincts and examined records or interviewed witnesses on the ground. They're just declaring something they want to believe as a fact. Third, the problem with the Newsweek story, there was a baffling failure to fact check. This is one of the most basic tenets of journalism. No matter how obvious something seems, no matter how many others are reporting it, no matter how obvious a video clip may seem to show something, it often proves to be wrong. That's why it's so critical for reporters to check their assumptions. Kwong should have contacted the White House to see if her claim, that Trump would be golfing on Thanksgiving, was true. If the people there had said yes, and she attributed the answer to the White House, then even if Trump had ended up in Afghanistan, Kwong could not have been journalistically faulted for the mistaken information. She would have done her job correctly. Instead, she reported false information as if she had checked it. Fourth, there was a glaring failure to correct the mistake after the fact. Although Newsweek fixed the story, it really correct it. Editors called the revision an update. This is disingenuous. The story hadn't changed or been updated. Newsweek simply learned that its original report was false. That merits both a correction and an apology. And fifth, the false information persisted well after the update. Newsweek retained its false headline stating that Trump golfed on Thanksgiving. He didn't. I think that's still up there today, because I checked in the last week. I really think one of the most remarkable things about this whole story, is that it's a case of history repeating itself. It's an example of lessons not learned by the media. NBC had generated a similar scandal less than a year before, also tying itself up into a pretzel to make it seem as if it had not bungled a story. The NBC saga began on December 25, 2018, nearly eight hours before Christmas Day's official end. The timing matters. You'll see why in a moment. The network published a headline blaring, "Trump becomes the first president since 2002 not to visit troops at Christmastime." The story claimed that Trump had broken from a recent tradition of actually visiting troops and wounded warriors. The article took multiple jabs at Trump to advance the anti-Trump narrative of a president who could not live up to the standards of his predecessors. What NBC did not know, was that contrary to its reporting, Trump had left the White House late on December 25 to visit the troops in Iraq. What happened when the mistake was revealed is quite telling. Like Newsweek, NBC was unable to admit its mistake. Instead of a simple apology saying it originally had no idea the president had sneaked off to Iraq and that it had made an assumption without bothering to verify it, NBC published a lengthy editor's note parsing the definition of what constitutes a Christmastime visit and claimed the original article was technically correct. Depends on what the meaning of the word "is" is. OK. So the NBC editor makes the argument, well, maybe Trump visited the troops around Christmas, after all. And yes, he did leave the White House on Christmas to go to Iraq. But he did not arrive in Iraq until after the stroke of midnight. And the day after Christmas isn't really a Christmastime visit, is it? So instead of an apology, NBC defends its mistake by arguing when Christmastime technically begins and ends. The NBC's editor's note reads-- this is so twisted, "As of the end of Christmas Day 2018, Trump had not visited the troops during the holiday season, and had announced no plans to do so. The article was correct. But on December 26, the situation changed. Trump and the First Lady, Melania Trump, made an unannounced visit to troops in Iraq. As a result, the thrust of this article is no longer correct, even if it was at the time. In the interest of transparency, we are keeping the article on NBCNews.com so that the record will reflect the situation on the day the article was published, and are directing readers to an article about Trump's Iraq visit here. We're also altering one line in the article, as well as the headline, to be more specific and to note Trump was the first president since 2002 who didn't visit military personnel on or before Christmas, rather than at Christmastime." Claiming the article was correct at the time but the situation changed, without acknowledging the journalistic malpractice at issue, here, is remarkable. The corrected article then goes on to double down on its mistake, in a way that's still designed to make Trump look bad. Because, after all, that's the goal. First, NBC chooses a new tack that fits the narrative it set out to prove and stuck by it, regardless of the facts. "By staying home on Tuesday," said NBC, "Trump became the first president since 2002 who didn't visit military personnel on or before Christmas." And then elaborates, "Based on a check of NBC logs, President Barack Obama visited troops at Marine Corps Base Hawaii every Christmas he was in office, [LAUGHTER] from 2009 to 2016. Before him," said NBC, "according to a check of news releases, President George W Bush visited wounded warriors at Walter Reed from 2003 to 2008. Trump previously said," NBC goes on to say, "he hasn't visited a combat zone because he's had an unbelievably busy schedule." Among the anti-Trump press, the new version of the story, comparing Trump unfavorably to Obama and Bush, goes viral. No attention is paid to NBC'S mistake. It's like it never even happened. The focus becomes the newly revised scandal that Trump is the first president not to visit the troops on or before Christmas Day. One exception to the groupthink, which surprised me, is the normally, anti-Trump, Erik Wemple of the Washington Post. He actually took issue with NBC pointing out, "Trump didn't stay home Christmas Tuesday, as NBC claimed in the updated version of its article, at least not all of Tuesday. He left the White House late on December 25." Wemple goes on to say, "the NBC story appears to rest on a lawyerly definition of Christmastime, Christmas Day, and the days and weeks before it. However, other common definitions of Christmastime expand that understanding to the Christmas season, or the period from about December 24 to January 1, or January 6. But," Wemple says, "NBC seemed intent on making the story be about whether they could technically defend that they hadn't jumped the gun and made a false assumption, rather than what Trump actually did over the Christmas holiday." NBC could have chosen numerous facts to highlight about President Trump, if it were focused on disseminating information rather than generating a smear. So let's look at some of the actual stats I found when I did a little research. It turns out President Obama never visited US troops in foreign countries or combat zones on Thanksgiving or at Christmastime, as Trump had done twice by early 2020. The closest President Obama got to spending Thanksgiving or Christmas in a combat zone with the troops, was a visit to South Korea a week before Thanksgiving in 2009. President Bill Clinton was kind of close to a Christmas visit with a December 22, 2007, visit to Bosnia. But that was after the war ended. The annual Christmas troops visit that NBC rushed to credit Obama for, all of those had taken place not in a combat zone, but stateside, conveniently near Obama's home in Hawaii. Not that there's anything wrong with that. But what I'm saying is, if they were looking to disseminate factual information, they could have come up with an entirely different story. Another point made in the slanted NBC article about Trump, was that he had yet to visit an active combat zone, as if it were an anomaly, that he supposedly had gone almost two years without having done, so. In fact, according to military records, presidential visits to combat zones are relatively rare. Presidents have visited a combat zone only 27 times in US history, prior to Trump. By early 2020, Trump had added at least four to that historic tally. Visits to South Korea, Iraq, Afghanistan, not to mention that he was sometimes accompanied by First Lady, Melania, who has made at least two visits to a combat zone. I discovered another interesting point while researching presidential trips to combat zones. Although you might not immediately think of South Korea as a combat zone, it technically is one, because our war with North Korea was never officially declared over. Both North Korea and the US, which is allied with South Korea, patrol a demilitarized zone that divides the two Koreas. But remarkably, when counting Obama's combat zone visits, the military and media included his trips to South Korea as notches on his belt. But they did not count visits to the same place for Trump. At the very time when the press was claiming Trump had never visited a combat zone, he had made two trips to South Korea. Punctuating the point, Wikipedia-- oops, can I go backwards? Punctuating the point, Trump's Wikipedia page claims that Trump's first combat zone visit was on December 26, 2018, to Iraq. It, too, ignored his earlier visit to South Korea. In contrast, the official tally for Obama counts all three of his trips to South Korea as combat zone visits. Apparently, among the slanted media, South Korea is a combat zone when Obama visits, but not when Trump does. So here are seven other true headlines that could have been written about Trump's Christmastime visit to Iraq, but weren't. Trump Becomes the First US President in 16 Years to Visit US Troops in a Combat Zone. Trump is One of Only Three US Presidents to Spend Thanksgiving Day with US Troops in a Combat Zone. Melania Trump Becomes the First First Lady to Spend Christmastime Visiting US troops in a War Zone. Trump is First President Since George W Bush to Spend Thanksgiving with Troops in a Foreign Country. President Trump is Only the Third US President, All of Them Republicans, to Spend Thanksgiving with US Troops in a Combat Zone or US Troops Anywhere. Trump is the Only President to Visit the Troops in a Combat Zone So Close to Christmas Day. And President Trump is the Only US President in History to Visit US Troops Both in a Combat Zone on Thanksgiving and So Close to Christmas. [LAUGHTER] [APPLAUSE] So this deep dive into just a couple of specific cases demonstrates, I think, quite clearly how the media has changed the way it operates. Largely, as I described in my last book, The Smear, because the media has been successfully influenced and in fact infiltrated by corporate and political interests. This explains why it's no mystery and no accident, the devolution of the news, as I call it, is by design. And it ties in quite directly to this accelerated and dangerous trend towards censorship we've seen the past four years. But in particular, I'd say the last six months. I'll summarize by saying, on the censorship trend, in 2016, by that time the news landscape, in my view, had largely been dominated by political and corporate interests, who were defining the terms of what we could and couldn't report about, the language that we had to use, and the kind of people we could interview. But these people saw that Trump got elected anyway in 2016, despite the fact that most of the media had told people not to vote for him and that he was inherently dangerous. So these people, seeking to influence the information landscape, they blame the internet. They thought that people were largely controlled in the news that they could get. But we could still go online and get other opinions, see other scientific studies, hear other viewpoints. So they set about, I think, spending the last four years trying to figure out how to control the internet. And if you remember, before 2016, Big Tech did not have great interest in this sort of censorship. There were issues with privacy and other problems. But they were not doing what I call fake fact checks. They were not censoring accounts and interfering between us and our information to tell us what we can and cannot believe. Now fact checks, whether they're done by nonprofits or newsrooms, are largely funded and influenced by political and corporate interests who want to control that information. And in fact, David Brock of Media Matters, the propaganda group, took credit for convincing Facebook right after the 2016 election, to start up those fake fact checks. This was a lobbying campaign. Fact checks now become simply another tool of propagandists. How do we fight censorship? Well, when a person or idea is fact checked, or banned, or censored, or controversialized, I think we should make it our mission to find out more about whatever is being censored. And ask the question, why do powerful interests not want me to have this information, and make up my own mind? OK, our final examination of how the media changed the way it operated to impact the 2020 election and control narratives, looks at the verbiage of the narrative. Before Trump, we as news reporters, might have pointed out discrepancies or contradictions between claims made by a news maker, and facts. We might have noted that a statement or a claim was disputed, or that it had proven incorrect or false. But we did not declare newsmakers' statements to be lies. Why avoid using the L word in news reporting? Well, a lie is a very specific thing. And short of a confession, it requires a reporter to claim to know what's inside the mind of the person speaking. In fact, when somebody gives contradictory information or makes a false statement, it could theoretically be for many other reasons. Let's go back to the Ford and Firestone tire rollover scandal in 2000. I covered a lot of stories where the executives of these corporations said there was no evidence that there was danger. They had no realization that the tires had a safety issue. But that contradicted documents that we had that showed they had discussed this long ago. It was a well documented trail. But I never said they were liars. It's possible, theoretically, that their staff gave them poor briefings, or withheld information, or they might have seen the documents in question, but misinterpreted them, or forgotten what they said. As unlikely as those excuses might seem, it's not the place of a news journalist to claim to know what's in a person's mind. In fact, there are very few instances I can think of, where it's appropriate for a reporter in a news report to claim that a newsmaker lied. There's another important reason to be circumspect as a news journalist with accusing people of lies. To the news consumer, such language tends to sound as if the reporter is being biased or pejorative. It begins to feel very personal. It removes the sense of neutrality that we try to maintain in our hard news reporting in order to be seen as fair reporters of fact. It's best to stick to the facts and let members of the public form their own conclusions. The good practices that I've described, the reluctance to pretend to see inside the mind of the subjects we report on, used to be considered the norm in journalism. But all of that has gone out the window. Now reporters frequently take sides, boldly declaring one side or one news maker, to be telling the truth, and another, usually Trump, to be lying, even when the truth is unproven or impossible to know, or when the differences are matters of interpretation, or clashing opinions, or even when the lies or exaggerations are misstatements. The New York Times, as I mentioned, has led the way in declaring itself arbiters of Trump's lies. And we've seen other media quickly followed suit. And biased observers heralded it all as brave and groundbreaking. So yesterday, I conducted a Google search using the term "Obama lies" and it produced 41 million results. I then searched the term "Trump lies." That returned 612 million results. In other words, after one term, Trump got about 15 times more search results about lies than Obama had after two terms. A closer analysis shows that many of Trump's internet hits about lies are links to news stories and blogs and lists of his lies. And in contrast, Obama's hits to many of his articles or blogs, were defending him against accusations of lies, or with Obama officials accusing Trump of lying. Instead of providing critical pushback to this questionable journalistic shift, in which reporters call opinions of their enemies or opinions they disagree with lies, Columbia Journalism Review jumped on the bandwagon patting The New York Times on the back for calling Trump a liar. "A precedent has been set," declared Columbia Journalism Review approvingly, "which is great." Columbia Journalism Review goes on to say, "By using a word that comes from the vocabulary of advocacy in its own voice, The Times, and other news organizations, have taken the truth-telling standards of the news business to a new level. Until the rise of Trump," they say, "only on rare occasions, criminal convictions, and instances of plagiarism and falsifying resumes, were words like 'lie' ever used by the media describing news events." I'm taken aback to see a Journalism Review publication explicitly applauding a news organization for using the vocabulary of advocacy in its news reporting. Author and former New York Times reporter David Cay Johnston, a Pulitzer Prize winner, is quoted as saying he was "thrilled and flabbergasted" to see the Times call Trump a liar. Why would that be a thrill unless one is steeped in bias and seeking to advance a narrative, rather than report the facts. With hearty support from journalism groups and their peers, it's understandable that reporters would grow even bolder. They began to expand the lie label to cases when targeted newsmakers are simply exaggerating, joking, or misspeaking. Or when there's no possible way to know for sure, whether a statement is true or false. One example can be found in news reports declaring, Trump was lying when he stated there was fraud in the 2020 election, or that the election was stolen. Unless one can somehow prove that Trump does not believe the election was stolen, but is saying it was, that wasn't a lie. Whether you like Trump or not, this is pure journalistic practice and further erodes our credibility as an industry. Another example, Trump's 2019 State of the Union address. When the president claimed, "Our brave troops have now been fighting in the Middle East for almost 19 years," the media's eagle-eyed fact checkers called that a lie. The actual length of time the US had been fighting in the Middle East, they countered, was not almost 19 years, but a bit more than 17. Actually the media's own fact check about the length of the Afghan war could be characterized as a lie by its own standard. The war began in October 2001. The State of the Union address in question took place more than 18 years later, closer to Trump's almost 19 years, than the media's 17 years. But that doesn't fit the Trump is a liar narrative. There's a second set of news phrases the media invented and deployed, specifically against Trump, without evidence. No credible evidence, and no evidence. First, without evidence. As a news journalist, I don't recall ever using or uttering the phrase "without evidence" when reporting on anybody or anything over the course of about 35 years, until we covered Trump. At first glance, it might seem as though phrases like "without evidence" and "no credible evidence" are more fact-based and responsible, than tossing around accusations of lies. But they can be just as problematic. Who decides what evidence is credible? An absence of evidence does not necessarily mean a claim is discredited. After all, there was no evidence that polio could be transmitted via water or through the oral polio vaccine, until there was. There was no evidence that some cholesterol's good for your health, until there was. Without evidence is an invented concept for the purpose of slanted reporting. Consider that throughout time, few newsmakers have presented evidence when making statements. It was never expected that each comment or speech would be accompanied by a set of footnotes or citations. Until Trump. Now, without evidence is commonly invoked in a one-sided fashion, usually against Trump and his supporters, and typically, when the media want to call them into question or disparage them. When it comes to Trump Russia collusion, and other anti-Trump narratives, we in the media allowed two years of outlandish allegations to be made, virtually free of challenge and without credible evidence. Many of those claims proved to be untrue. And there were more. Trump may have not paid any income taxes for decades, if ever. He never really wanted to be president. He's lying about immigration being a problem. He was Russian President Vladimir Putin's stooge, a spy for Russia, the list goes on. At the same time we're calling out Trump, we're violating the very evidentiary standards to which we hold him. In our zeal to get Trump, we are letting our own journalistic principles slide. We've laid bare our own bias and our own double standards. We can blame Trump all we like for the death of the news as we once knew it. But the truth is, we've done it to ourselves. If you're interested, my book Slanted goes in far more depth about all of this. I interviewed a lot of colleagues and top network news executives. And there's an appendix that lists the media mistakes that I categorize one by one. The mistakes made against Trump. When reporters get caught doing bad journalism, like I've described today, they and their colleagues often retort that Trump lied more than we do. Or Trump mocks the media and his enemies on Twitter, before he was banned. The fact is, Trump mercilessly mocks, and is mercilessly mocked by, his political detractors, such as leading congressional Democrats Nancy Pelosi, Chuck Schumer, Adam Schiff. Collectively, political figures have no obligation to be neutral or fair. In fact, the nature of politics breeds this kind of dynamic. But journalists are different. Our professional obligation is to cover our subjects fairly. We must maintain the same high standard, even when we don't like somebody we're covering, especially perhaps, when we don't like that person. Otherwise, why have standards at all? The implication that somehow the media's mistakes and attacks are justified because of what we believe to be the flawed moral character of our subject, is a precarious one. The way we cover those we perceive as the enemies of our own viewpoints defines how well we do our job covering the news. And I'm happy to take some questions. [APPLAUSE] SPEAKER 2: Thank you, Miss Attkisson. If you have a question, please raise your hand and wait for a microphone to be brought to you. AUDIENCE: Could you please comment on the influence of the Poynter Institute in Journalism? SHARYL ATTKISSON: Yes, the Poynter Institute. I've discussed some of that in my book Slanted. Like the Columbia Journalism Review, and a lot of other non-profits or journalism organizations, they've all been co-opted to some degree by the same political or corporate interests, accepting funding from the same handful of dubious sources, in my view, partisan sources that fund the fact checks, whether it's on social media or news organizations or these non-profits. It's the same group of people. And you can see the change in their reporting. Maybe, now, Poynter Institute relies on Media Matters, this is one example, as a source in its writing, without disclosing that Media Matters is a partisan propaganda group. And so young people are learning this from them because they're told to look to Poynter Institute as a standard in journalism and ethics. So there's a problem from virtually every angle we're looking when it comes to journalism. The organizations that are supposed to help watch over us, or set standards for the kind of reporting we do, they're cheering on this trend that I'm talking about. SPEAKER 2: There's a question to the speaker's right. AUDIENCE: Yes. What do the people who are writing the slanted news hope to gain? SHARYL ATTKISSON: It's a mix. It's a complicated question. Because in some instances, there are more traditional news journalists who are censoring themselves and shaping what they report because they're rewarded for it. They're moving up in the hierarchy of the newsroom when they embrace this sort of reporting. And they're not rewarded when they're not doing so. So. There's an element of people transforming themselves to keep their job and advance their careers But I think one of the bigger factors is the trend I described, where propagandists, political and corporate interests, have infiltrated the news, not just figuring out how to influence what we report, and lobbyists and send us, by way of third parties and nonprofits, talking points and things that are supposed to be news that we then pick up. They now work for us in our newsrooms. We hire them as editorial people. We bring them on as analysts and pay them six figure salaries. They should be paying us to appear on our air and distribute their talking points. But we're paying them handsomely to do so. So I think the news business has been transformed, where now there's no firewall between us and the interest trying to slant the news because they have a whole different goal in mind. We're one and the same. And that explains, and really is only thing that explains, why so many formerly well-respected news organizations are getting so much wrong, and yet there's very little repercussion for that kind of reporting. The people who do those stories continue to be reported and heralded and given awards and so on, because we now are them. We're one and the same as the propagandists, in many instances. SPEAKER 3: We have a question on the speaker's left. AUDIENCE: Ma'am, would you please comment on the massive collusion between the mainstream media, the, social and a number of government agencies to totally censor the Hunter Biden corruption scandal that was first broken by the New York Post, and what is possible implications were for the election outcome? SHARYL ATTKISSON: Well, I can't say what would have happened. Although, there's been some polling done talking about what could have influenced the election if this news had gotten out. And I'll point out one thing. The New York Post didn't really break that story. The Hunter Biden story was well fleshed out and discussed by liberal news outlets the fall before. Before Biden was the Democrats' nominee, there were, I take it, other Democrats that were planting stories in the press to try to keep Biden from being the nominee. And so some in the left-leaning press did some very good and important exposΓ©s on the Hunter Biden alleged conflicts of interest, as well as other members of the Biden family. But once Biden became the nominee, fast forward to this story sort of resurfacing with news of his computer being confiscated by the FBI. And all of a sudden, everybody acted like it was the first they'd heard of it. And then many on the left acted like it was a conspiracy theory, even though they had well reported on this some months before. And it's just the craziest dynamic. Glenn Greenwald of The Intercept, who is a left-leaning reporter who thinks much like I do about news and news trends, he started The Intercept with the goal in mind of having a news organization that would not be beholden to political and corporate interests in the same way as what we call legacy media. And you may know that Glenn Greenwald quit his own news organization because they censored his story on Hunter Biden. This is not just a problem of the left versus right. There's just a problem, in general, by those seeking to manage the news. It's not always along partisan lines. Again, I think we're left to guess what impact it might have had on the election. SPEAKER 2: We have a question on the speaker's right. AUDIENCE: Do the news reporters, particularly the TV reporters, actually believe what they're reporting, or are they simply following what they're told to do from higher ups? And then secondly, how do corporate interests, which you mentioned, gain from false news? SHARYL ATTKISSON: If I forget your second question, remind me in a minute. But I get asked all the time where the reporters believe what they're talking about, especially when it's proven later to be wildly wrong or when it's very biased. And again, I think that's a mixed answer. I know some of the reporters involved that you would think are very biased, who used to be fairly straight-news reporters. But they've gone to a news organization where there's a powerful dynamic of groupthink and peer pressure, where the bosses want a certain kind of reporting. And when you deliver that, you're surrounded by people who pat you on the back and tell you how brilliant you are. And maybe you were not considered really too far above average in the old dynamic, but now you're a big star because of all these kinds of things you're reporting. So I don't know if they become a believer in giving their own opinion and thinking that it's valuable, and even when proven wrong, if they have a way to sort of justify it because they don't get punished for it, and they're still being rewarded by their bosses. But then, the second dynamic is, and I believe strongly in this, as I said, we've hired these propagandists. They've found ways to be hired in our newsrooms. So they don't think it's a mistake. And even if they know they're wrong, and even if they get caught after the fact having disseminated false information, they're not embarrassed because they still accomplished their goal. If they're not journalists, they're not trying to tell the truth, necessarily. They're trying to put forth a narrative. And if they succeeded at that, even if the narrative isn't true, they've still done their job the way they hope to do it in my view. AUDIENCE: Does this not prove President Trump's comment, not so much fake news, but the news media has become truly enemy of the people? SHARYL ATTKISSON: Well, that's for you to decide. But I do think he made a lot of good points. And as I talked about in my last book, most of you may think President Trump thought up the phrase "fake news" in its modern context. That was a liberal invention. And I traced that to September of 2016. It was first used in its modern context by a nonprofit called "First Draft." And shortly after that, President Obama gave a speech at Carnegie Mellon, in which he suggested, for the first time I ever heard that somebody needed to step in and curate our information, start curating the internet in this Wild, Wild West media environment, as he called it. And I remember thinking at the time, if you can take yourself back just a couple of years, nobody was asking for people, third parties, to come in and censor and curate our news. They had to create the appearance of a demand for such a program so that they could control the news. So I went back seeing that there was some kind of operation going on, here. Who is First Draft? And I called this nonprofit and said, where do you get your funding? Because they hadn't filed tax forms yet. And they admitted that they got their funding from Google. And they were invented around the start of the election cycle, this non-profit, that invented the concept of going after fake news, which was just defined at the time as mostly conservative news. And Google, is owned by Alphabet, who was led at the time by a man named Eric Schmidt, who was a top Hillary Clinton supporter and donor. So I think that was a big operation, the beginning of the efforts. They saw, Trump's enemies, that he was making inroads with the public, despite their control of the news. And they saw that they had to do, or thought they had to do, something about the internet. Because they blamed the internet for the rise of Trump, outside of this controlled news information landscape. Trump took over the fake news phrase, being the master marketer that he is. I call it a hostile takeover. Every time they cried fake news, he just like threw it back at them. You're fake news. And pretty soon he was so good at it, that by January following the September when this started, The Washington Post is printing articles that were saying things like, it's time to retire the term fake news. They didn't like how it's being used now by Trump. AUDIENCE: Yes. There seems to be-- SHARYL ATTKISSON: I can't see where you are. I'm sorry. AUDIENCE: I'm right over here. SPEAKER 3: We have a question in the back. To the back left of the speaker. SHARYL ATTKISSON: OK. OK. AUDIENCE: Hi there. Thank you for being here. There seems to be a virus among our media, particularly even in conservative media, lately, to even question the validity of the election. I'm noticing it on talk radio and it's almost as if they will not even bring it up. And they deflect it when anyone calls in. And I'm assuming we know what happens, right? And I'm just wondering, is it a matter of, maybe, buying time until we have some more secure platforms to be more honest? Is this, perhaps, what's going on? Or are we relegated to just this very limited narrative for fear of being canceled. SHARYL ATTKISSON: It's a good question and I think we should all be cognizant of not being bullied out of using our common sense, making our own solutions, seeking out answers and various sides to stories, and saying what we think. My own view is, only that which is illegal, should be censored, and the rest is fair game. It's up to us to figure out what we want to believe. And by the way, if we want to believe something that's false, we have a right to do that in this country. It's not up to somebody else to say, well, you shouldn't be thinking such things, or talking about such things. But being an optimist, and I've talked to some people that are looking for solutions, I think there will be something that fleshes out in the next four years. Because, as I like to say, the truth finds a way to be told. And over history, and over time, when people have been suppressed, and their views have been suppressed, they've always found a way, at least in this country, to express how they feel. And there are people working on the challenges from three standpoints. There are investors who do want to invest in fair reporting and open information. So the money is there. They just don't know where to put it. But number two, there are people that are trying to accomplish the question or the task of how do you not get deplatformed. And they're trying to invent ways outside Big Tech. We're addicts. We got hooked on Big Tech when they weren't trying to do this censorship. We thought it was wonderful. And now we all communicate that way. And they've sort of done this bait and switch. Now they can control us because we're all relying on them. And they're changing the rules. Well, there are ways involving, far beyond my understanding, but involving things like blockchain technology. There are ways to design platforms that can't be so controlled by what we consider Big Tech media. There are people working on that problem, too. And then there are news people, like me, who want to report in a open way showing different viewpoints and different scientific studies and different opinions. So those three things, I think, will come together, somehow in the next four years or so. And there will be new emerging technologies and solutions. But I would say in the meantime, we have to work really hard not to be bullied out of being Americans. And being heard, whatever we think, and whatever we feel. Particularly when you're talking about the election, to criminalize feelings and thoughts, about something as important as the election, even when you're using common sense and calling into question some things that happened. Then to be treated like, or told, that you're practically a criminal for thinking that, or for expressing that. This is a very dangerous thing. And I hope we don't allow it. [APPLAUSE] SPEAKER 3: We have time for one more question. AUDIENCE: It's really not a question, it's more of an acknowledgment. As soon as your first book came out. I read it and loved it. And when you announced the second book, I got an early copy. And as soon as I got it, I read it. And I'm a big fan. I just want you to know that you're a person who is intellectually honest and has the courage to tell the truth, despite all the crap that you're getting from the media. I want to acknowledge you for being here. You're one of the reasons I came here today and this weekend. Thank you. SHARYL ATTKISSON: Thank you. Thank you very much. Thanks, everybody. [APPLAUSE]
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Channel: Hillsdale College
Views: 2,185,745
Rating: 4.8822684 out of 5
Keywords: hillsdale, politics, constitution, equality, liberty, freedom, free speech, lecture, learn, america
Id: 4bxI803q6i8
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Length: 56min 26sec (3386 seconds)
Published: Wed Feb 24 2021
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