The man known to history as Muammar Gaddafi
was born, Muammar Mohammed Abu Minya al-Gaddafi, though many use the name Muammar Qaddafi. He was born most likely sometime in 1941,
though some scholars suggest he was born in the 1930s or in 1943, to a Bedouin family
in the Qadhaafa tribe that claimed descent from the Prophet Mohammed, near the desert
village of Qasr Bu Hadi, south of the city of Sirte in the western deserts of Libya. His father Mohammad Abdul Salam bin Hamed
bin Mohammad, simply known as Abu Meniar, was a subsistence goat and camel herder. His mother was named Aisha bin Niran. Both were Arab descendants and were part of
the rural poor communities that made up the majority of Italian Libya. Gaddafi was born in a land that had for millennia
been occupied by various invaders. He later wrote that men from his tribe feared
the sea, refusing to go near it because of the legacy of seaborn invaders. The most recent invasions had occurred following
the decline of the Ottoman Empire in the early twentieth century. Libya, then known as Tripoli, had long been
a semi-autonomous region of the Ottoman Empire, at times functioning more as an independent
state than a part of the Turkish led empire. This independence came under threat in 1902
when European powers “divided” Africa into spheres of influence. In their discussions, European leaders concluded
that Italy had a legitimate claim to the territory known as Libya. Italians saw Libya as rightfully their own,
claiming ownership based on their descent from the Romans who had previously conquered
the territory over a thousand years earlier. As Italian interest in conquering Libya grew,
the territory was racked by divisions as the “Young Turk” Revolution rocked the Ottoman
Empire. The Young Turk Revolution was a series of
constitutional reforms forced by Turkish nationalists beginning in 1908 that divided elites across
the empire, even in far off provinces such as Libya, where supporters of the revolutionaries
sought to oust political appointees of the Ottoman Sultan. In the chaos following the revolution, many
Libyans threw their support behind the invading Italians, who in September of 1911 launched
a major invasion of Libya. The Italians soon seized many coastal cities,
however they were unable to penetrate deeper into the hinterlands of Libya, leading to
a long and bloody war between supporters of the Ottoman Empire and the Italian forces
and their allies. Increasingly however, as the Ottoman Empire
found itself embroiled in World War I, the Libyans were forced to fend for themselves,
helping to further fracture the Libyan resistance into smaller bickering factions. Fighting and protracted negotiations lasted
between the Libyans and Italians until 1923, when Benito Mussolini, the new Fascist leader
of Italy, launched an all-out invasion of the territory. By 1926 over 20,000 Italian troops were stationed
in Libya and the dictator used all available means including modern weaponry, such as tanks,
airplanes, and poison gas. Gaddafi’s father fought against these invaders
along with thousands of other Libyans. However, their efforts were largely unsuccessful. Not only did the Italians bring modern weaponry
to bear against the people of Libya, but they also created concentration camps that held
likely over 100,000 Libyans, or two-thirds of the population. Perhaps as many as 70,000 people died in these
camps. The Italians also engaged in all-out warfare,
destroying local wells and killing livestock in order to subdue resistance fighters. They even constructed a tall, four-meter thick,
barbed wire fence from the city of Bardia to the town of Jaghbub in an effort to halt
supplies flowing in from British occupied Egypt. As Italians gained control of larger swathes
of Libya, officials encouraged large numbers of immigrants from the Italian mainland to
migrate to the newly conquered territory, particularly as Mussolini’s policies of
vast public works began coming to Libya. Roads, new settlements, and other modern conveniences
were all part of the Italian government’s efforts to increase the European presence
in Libya. However, they also actively discouraged local
political participation, instead favoring an Italian-controlled government that frequently
clashed with local Libyan tribes. The Italians furthermore sought to suppress
all Libyan literature in an effort to force Libyans to become more like their colonizers. Throughout this period, many Libyans continued
to favor pan-Islamic governments, or those governments that united various nationalities
under the common belief system of Islam. However, a growing portion of the Libyan population,
particularly the younger generation that came of age following the collapse of the Ottoman
Empire in 1918 and the Italian occupation, came to favor Arab nationalism, or the belief
in a nation state based on Arab ethnicity, rather than based on religion. The first efforts at creating an independent
nation state of Libya were in November of 1918 when the Tripoli Republic was formed
and declared its independence both from Ottoman and European powers. However, no recognition came from European
powers, particularly since the British in 1915 had promised the Italians control of
Libya in order to gain their support during the Great War. The results were Italian occupation and oppression
of local political activity. Fleeing from the oppression, many Libyan exiles
in the 1920s and 1930s conducted a fiery, if ineffective war of words against the Italians,
helping to develop a strong Libyan nationalist movement that would later impact Gaddafi. During World War II few Libyans were willing
to support either the Allies or the Axis. Both sides contained former enemies, the Allies
having both the British and French who had allowed Italy to conquer Libya and the Axis
having Italy. Libyans provided the Allies some assistance
in exchange for promises of independence following the war. However, trust in European promises was never
very strong among many of the Libyan community. Following the war, Libya was divided into
spheres of control by the British and French. Gaddafi as a child perhaps even saw some of
the soldiers of these two Allied powers. Over the next ten years British, French, Italian,
and American negotiators continued to debate the future of the Italian colony. Italian and British officials initially favored
a return of the colony to a divided colonial status, however, these plans failed when they
were opposed by the other parties. Though Libyan politics remained divided by
region, with some favoring a division of Libya into three separate nations, a growing outcry
for independence was recognized by the United Nations General Assembly on the 21st of November
1949. After extended and serious debate, the delegates
called for “Libya to become an independent and sovereign state no later than the 1st
of January 1952”. Following the appointment of a commission
comprised of international and Libyan delegates, progress towards independence was rapid, with
the Libyan National Assembly on the 7th of October 1951 approving the formation of a
constitutional, hereditary monarchy built within the framework of a federal system. King Idris I, who was previously known as
Muhammad Idris al-Malhdi al-Sanusi, was chosen as the first monarch of Libya and Islam was
declared the state religion. During this period, Libya remained a solid
ally of the West, providing a stable ally for Western powers concerned with the expanding
Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. Though initially hampered by crippling poverty
and disunion, gradually the Libyan state seemed to be headed towards greater prosperity as
deals with Italy and the discovery of oil in 1959 provided King Idris greater economic
security. However, rather than liberalize with the expanding
economy King Idris tightened his control of the state, fighting back against efforts to
generate political and social reform. Many Libyans were angered that much of the
surplus profit generated by oil went to Westerners’ pockets, despite the fact that Western companies
provided the bulk of the investment to power oil development. Oil revenues also increased wealth disparities
between Libyans, which further frustrated many young Libyans who viewed their government
as outdated and in the pockets of Western powers. Throughout the 1960s, these tensions between
the king’s government and the people only heightened, leaving many to seek a new solution
to the corruption of the king’s officials. These problems were further enflamed by the
spread of pan-Arab nationalism, an ideology based on the idea that Arabs could regain
their former glory if they united across the region against outsiders. This belief system gained greater following
particularly among young Arabs across North Africa and the Middle East, especially following
the humiliation of Arab armies by Israeli forces during the Six-Day War, fought between
the 5th of June and the 10th of June 1967. Many Arabs were furious at the West’s response
to Israel’s victory. Each of these factors helped to create the
perfect storm necessary for a revolution. As he tended his family’s herds, Gaddafi
watched as his beloved people seemed to succumb to western influence and local corruption. Gaddafi first received his education at a
local Muslim elementary school, where legend tells that he was looked down on for his Bedouin
roots. He supposedly slept in the local mosque at
night on school days and returned to his family on the weekends where he primarily lived with
his mother and three sisters. His father, now a merchant, was often traveling
and gone from home. Gaddafi was fiercely proud of his people and
his Muslim Arab heritage. He likely was angered by the stories his father
and others told about the atrocities committed by the Italians and other Westerners during
the World War period. He perhaps mourned when the state of Israel
was successfully created in 1948, signifying the loss of Palestine as an Arab state. Despite all the defeats suffered by the Arabs,
one bright star seemed to shine in the Arab world; Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser,
the new president of Egypt who had organized a coup to overthrow the Egyptian King Farouk
in 1952, when Gaddafi was around ten years old. Gaddafi became an avid listener of the radio
program “The Voice of the Arabs,” a show that originated from Cairo, Egypt that supported
the Nasser regime. By his teenage years, Gaddafi had found his
hero in Nasser. Nasser’s efforts to expel western influence
in Egypt, socialize the nation, and unite Arabs across the Middle East and North Africa
was thrilling to the young disciple of Libya. According to Gaddafi himself it was during
these years that he first began to envision himself changing his nation and becoming a
hero like Nasser, even though he was a lowly schoolboy in the rural west of Libya. Gaddafi organized local student protests during
the 1956 Suez Crisis, also known as the Second Arab Israeli war or the Tripartite Aggression
in many Arab households, which began in late 1956 when Israel, the United Kingdom, and
France invaded Egypt in an effort to capture the Suez Canal and overthrow Nasser who had
recently nationalized the canal, which had been owned by foreign powers. Israel sought primarily to end Nasser’s
blockade of their port in the Straits of Tiran. The invasion was a failure for the Europeans,
and only strengthened Nasser’s reputation and his prestige in the minds of many young
Arabs such as the fifteen-year-old Gaddafi. It also enraged many Libyans and violent protests
broke out across the country after Libyans learned that British officials had considered
using its bases in Libya to attack Egypt. Gaddafi likely applauded the riots and protests,
believing that the nation was disentangling itself from the hold of Western powers. Gaddafi was seen as a leader among his peers
and was known for his powerful personality. Many of his classmates, like himself, desired
to “free” Libya by eventually toppling King Idris. As a teenager Gaddafi enrolled at Sabha High
School in Fezzen, Qadhafi. There, he and his friends formed what they
called a “Central Committee” and held secret meetings to discuss the political ideas
of President Nasser and perhaps other leading Arab thinkers, while also plotting to overthrow
the Libyan monarchy. As his movement expanded, he divided his followers
into “cells” of revolutionary operatives. While still lacking much of the structure
of a truly revolutionary movement, Gaddafi was showing promise as a leader of Libyan
Arab-nationalists. As he worked to create his movement, Gaddafi
increasingly came to dislike teachers and “intellectuals” believing such people
to “have an enormous self-regard” and believed that they frequently misguided their
students. Gaddafi often later in life singled out teachers
for criticism in his speeches, perhaps reflecting the experiences of his youth. In 1961 Gaddafi was expelled from his school
for leading a student protest against Syria withdrawing from the United Arab Republic,
which it had established with Egypt in 1958. At the protest in the town center of Sebha,
Gaddafi praised Nasser and condemned British and American military bases in Libya. His speech not only got him expelled, but
also banned from studying in his home province. Leaving his home and family, Gaddafi traveled
north to Misratah, over 700 kilometers north to finish his studies, which he did in 1961. Undeterred by his expulsion from his home
province, Gaddafi set about expanding his network of revolutionaries while finishing
his education. His recruitment efforts expanded beyond Misratah
and Gaddafi found recruits in Tripoli, Janzour, Zliten, and Homs, allowing him to create an
even broader network of revolutionary cells throughout the country. While building his network Gaddafi briefly
studied history at the University of Tripoli. However, more momentous was a gathering of
his followers in 1963. Members of the cells from Sabha, Misratah,
and Tripoli, and likely other cities, gathered to discuss future plans for the movement. At this meeting the organizers and participants
decided that Gaddafi and two others from the movement would enroll at the Benghazi Military
Academy, though some suggest the idea originated from Gaddafi alone. Their purpose in enlisting in the army was
to begin recruiting supporters for a coup among the army. Gaddafi later recalled, “The army was the
only thing capable of imposing the people’s will by force.” Gaddafi soon insisted that others in his movement
enlist as well, and though some of his fellow revolutionaries were less enthusiastic about
enlisting in the army, Gaddafi’s orders were to be followed to the letter. As Gaddafi entered the army, he reorganized
his movement to directly resemble that of Nasser’s Egyptian revolutionaries, Gaddafi
renaming it the Free Unionist Officers’ Movement and creating another Central Committee
to direct the movement. Some of his boyhood friends were key members
of Gaddafi’s inner circle as he rose to power. Some of these men were Ali al-Houdery, Abdel
Salem Jalloud, Mustapha al-Kharoubi, and Abu Bakr Yunis Jabir, all who later held prestigious
positions within Gaddafi’s government. Frequently Gaddafi was punished for his rebellion
against officers and the military structure. Yet, the young man continued to defy the system
he hated. Meetings of the revolutionaries were held
during holidays and in secret locations throughout Libya. Members of the movement continued to recruit
enthusiastically, seeking to gain broad support, particularly in the military, necessary to
execute a successful coup. They also gathered military supplies and hid
them throughout Libya. While in the academy, Gaddafi demonstrated
a brutal and sinister aspect to his leadership. When a cadet committed a sexual offense, under
the direction of Gaddafi, the young cadet had his hands and feet bound and was dragged
to a firing location, where Gaddafi and his associates proceeded to shoot the young man
without killing him until an officer arrived to finish the job, at which Gaddafi and his
fellow officers simply laughed. Gaddafi himself graduated from the Academy
in 1965. During his training Gaddafi briefly traveled
for further education to Turkey and the United Kingdom where he learned advanced communications
techniques. While in England Gaddafi mocked the British
and everything the West stood for, which he saw as corruption and conquest. From 1965 to 1969 recruits steadily poured
into Gaddafi’s movement, as did stolen government ammunition and supplies. By early 1969 Gaddafi was done with dreaming
about revolution, he was ready to enact it. He and his inner circle believed they had
enough support throughout the Libyan military structure to successfully stage the dreamed
of coup. Multiple coup dates were planned, however
each time events arose that necessitated it being pushed further back. Loyal military leadership had also heard rumors
of a potential plot and Gaddafi himself was questioned multiple times and placed under
surveillance. Many times Gaddafi and his fellow leaders
were nearly captured during secret rendezvous. Perhaps it was youthfulness and the lack of
tight control that spared the movement from a quick suppression by military authorities. Leading military officials later recalled
that they were fairly certain Gaddafi and his followers were plotting a coup, however
they believed it a pipe dream that could never be accomplished. How wrong those officials proved to be when
on the 1st of September 1969, Gaddafi and his followers launched their revolution. Gaddafi was tense during the start of the
coup, but he depended on his faith in Allah who he believed was on his side. Gaddafi recalled that a radio broadcast from
Egypt had included the Koranic line “Allah will not deny the faithful their reward.” Gaddafi saw this verse as a sign and trusted
that at 2:30 AM, the prearranged hour of the coup, he and his coconspirators would successfully
establish a true Arab government that would no longer bow to Western nations. At the pre-signaled hour, Gaddafi and his
followers worked to control radio stations and other communication networks essential
for the government. Mistakes were made throughout the process,
conspirators not arriving at the correct destination, officials escaping arrest, and countless other
problems plagued the coup. However, the Libyan government, so divided
and powerless, collapsed in the face of the determined conspirators. King Idris, who was away from the palace turned
to the British for aid. However, British officials had little stomach
for any intervention in the Middle East. The monarchy had fallen quickly and Gaddafi
and his followers now wielded absolute control of the state. Libyans awoke on the 1st of September 1969,
to the voice of Gaddafi on their radio sets. He spoke rousingly, declaring that “Libya
is a free, self-governing republic…she will advance on the road to freedom, the path of
unity and social justice…with God’s help, prosperity and equality will be seen to rule
us all.” Over the next few weeks Gaddafi and his circle
worked to present themselves to the people as ideal rulers. Gaddafi built his support off a group of educated
middle class Libyans who had rapidly accepted ideas of pan-Arab nationalism. Many had been taught by nationalistic teachers
from Egypt, Palestine, and Sudan who had been brought to staff Libya’s schools prior to
the coup. Many had also done what Gaddafi did as a teenager
and listened to radio broadcasts emanating from groups across the Middle East who advocated
for a shift towards an Arab unity. Furthermore, other Libyans had traveled to
Egyptian and Iraqi universities, where the success of nationalist leaders had transformed
those nations. Many Libyans were excited at the youth, the
lowly origins, and charisma of the new revolutionary leaders. Despite the excitement of some Libyans, others
were concerned that the cadre of revolutionaries had seemingly sprung out of nowhere and seemed
to have no experience in the realm of global politics. Gaddafi and his band of revolutionaries understood
that they needed to act quickly to ensure their movement’s survival. To ensure their success, Gaddafi reached out
to Egypt. President Nasser, shocked like many other
leaders across the globe, sent his chief advisor to see what had occurred in Libya. Later Nasser himself met Gaddafi and was amazed
at how rustic the revolutionaries were. Truly, it had been a revolution that surprised
even the most dedicated pan-Arabist. Despite his surprise, Nasser sent a host of
advisors and military officers to help stave off a counter-revolution. As Egyptian advisors arrived, Gaddafi and
his inner circle worked quickly to radically alter the political structure of the nation
and destroy the last vestiges of royal authority. He and his friends arrested hundreds of individuals,
including royal family members, politicians, government officials, and army officers who
posed the least threat. At the time, the punishments imposed on these
opponents was light, though Gaddafi and his revolutionaries humiliated their adversaries
by holding public trials that were televised across the nation. Furthermore, Gaddafi helped to break Libyan
tribal leaders’ hold on politics by redrawing administrative borders to intentionally break
up traditional tribal boundaries and by replacing city officials with his own supporters. The Islamic University at Al-Baida, a place
of opposition thought, was closed and the army was strengthened. While cracking down on the opposition, Gaddafi
moved to strengthen his own position. Taking on the rank of colonel, the same rank
Nasser held, Gaddafi seized command of the army at the same time that a civilian government
was formed. His fellow conspirators, who had been promised
that after the coup the power would be returned to the people, began to recognize that Gaddafi
had no intention of giving back his power. Some of the newly appointed civilian leaders
attempted to stage another coup in December of 1969 to overthrow Gaddafi. However, they were met with dismal failure. Even some of his close allies were angered
by Gaddafi’s actions, especially Mohamed Najm, a man who was a strong proponent of
democracy. Other revolutionaries were troubled by Gaddafi’s
public attacks on his fellow conspirators and for his efforts to blame the failures
of the revolution on his allies. By and large however, the majority of Gaddafi’s
supporters remained awed by their leader and his brilliance in surmounting all odds to
overthrow the king and his western backed supporters. While some Libyans were terrified at Gaddafi
controlling the nation, many were giddy with glee at the attacks on the western institutions
in the country. Foreign military bases were closed, and the
British were finally expelled in March of 1970, the Americans following a few months
later. The last of the Libyan Jewish community was
also banished alongside Italian settlers. The property and assets of those who had been
expelled were seized by the Gaddafi regime who declared that it was merely anti-imperialism
that prompted the seizures. Foreign banking capital in Libya as well as
oil facilities were seized, the oil facilities being nationalized for the Libyan state. Gaddafi, always a deeply religious man, also
launched a brazen assault against western cultural influence, attacking and closing
casinos and nightclubs, while also banning alcohol in accordance with certain Islamic
teachings. In 1972 sharia law, or Islamic religious law,
was established in place of the king’s secular system. Gaddafi also established the Islamic Call
Society, a Muslim missionary body funded with Libyan oil money that produced propaganda
in favor of Islam and Libya. While some Libyans were outraged at the assault
on their rights, many others were excited at the restoration of religious authority
and the expulsion of the West from Libya. Too many years of imperial aspirations had
hardened most Libyans’ feelings regarding the West. Westerners were colonizers and conquerors
who frequently broke their promises and enabled corruption in local governments. Gaddafi capitalized on these feelings to build
up his own power and encourage mass support for his plans. Gaddafi and his closest supporters mobilized
the state to ban all political activity not approved by his inner circle, the most dramatic
law being Law No. 71. This law, created in 1972, ordered the death
penalty to be imposed on any Libyan engaging in party politics, a law which remained in
force until Gaddafi’s fall in 2011. The revolutionaries also banned unofficial
trade unions, the only approved unions being monitored closely by the government’s ministry
of Labor. The free press was hamstrung, with ten major
newspapers being closed at the order of the state. Even state approved presses were rigidly censored
to ensure only the state’s messages could be disseminated. However, even in the midst of these changes,
there was little formal planning on how to reconstruct the nation or stimulate the economy. While authoritarian measures were passed,
the economy collapsed, and unemployment skyrocketed. Chaos seemed to be descending rapidly on Libya,
and many Libyans began to grow distrustful of the young revolutionaries. It was one thing to talk of ideals of Arab
nationalism, it was another to make it a reality. Even a once popular government began to lose
its appeal when progress seemed stalled. As these crises threatened the nation, Gaddafi
began to assert his control over his fellow revolutionaries. More and more of his former allies were offended
by the lording manner of Gaddafi and his tyrannical attitudes. A greater number of his allies began to complain
about Gaddafi and his frequent, childish outbursts in meetings when anyone opposed him. For those who remained loyal, they were incorporated
into a new political movement that Gaddafi was gradually organizing to sideline the Free
Unionist Officers. Many of the members of the new order included
family members and other groups that had not initially participated in the revolution. While he had gained political control, Gaddafi
was disappointed that the revolution he wanted to occur in the social fabric of society was
not occurring. Many Libyans, while liking his anti-western
and pro-Muslim rhetoric were unwilling to dramatically alter their lives to support
Gaddafi’s vision of dramatic social change. This led Gaddafi in 1972 to threaten to resign,
after which he traveled to Egypt for a brief time. When he returned, his fellow revolutionary
leaders informed Gaddafi that they had accepted his resignation. Enraged, Gaddafi reminded the Central Committee
that they had not been elected, to which they reminded Gaddafi that he had not either. Infuriated Gaddafi retorted, “I have popular
support and I will give my resignation directly to the people.” The committee, perhaps sensing a moment to
oust their leader, agreed with Gaddafi’s proposal and set up a special meeting near
Tripoli on the 16th of April 1973 for the people to hear Gaddafi’s public resignation. The meeting was to be held in the quiet town
of Zawara. On the appointed day, Gaddafi took his place
on the stage and as he rose to speak he shocked all his listeners. Rather than resign, Gaddafi brazenly called
for a change to save the revolution and change the laziness of the Libyan people. Gaddafi declared that it was time for a cultural
revolution. In launching his new revolution, Gaddafi,
in the words of one historian began an “intense personalization of politics” that became
the staple of Libyan society till 2011. In his program Gaddafi declared there would
be five major points. First, all existing laws were to be replaced
by revolutionary enactments. Second, all anti-revolutionary elements of
society were to be suppressed by the state. Third, a revolution would be supported that
would destroy the current administrative state and all aspects of bourgeois society. Fourth, the people would be armed in mass
to form a large militia to protect the revolution, and finally the removal of all ideas that
contradicted the Koran. In every town, committees were to be formed
which would be elected by the people and were to control all aspects of society. Purged from leadership positions were those
mayors, school administrators and local leaders who had survived the previous purges. Gaddafi urged his supporters in universities
to “tear up all the imported books which do not express Arabism, Islam, socialism and
progress.” By August of 1973 over 2,000 committees had
been formed and numerous regime opponents arrested, as well as scores of those accused
of sedition by personal rivals on the committees. Rather than slim down the bureaucracy, the
government had nearly doubled in size, enabling it to control almost all aspects of social
life. While the state apparatus was expanding rapidly,
Gaddafi’s proposed militia had enlisted over 40,000 new recruits in the first year,
giving Gaddafi a deadly and loyal band of supporters. Gaddafi was ready to compel the masses to
march into revolution with him, regardless of whether they wanted to or not. This societal revolution and Gaddafi’s articulation
of it came to be known as the Third Universal Theory. This theory was first announced to an international
conference of Arab and European youth, at which Gaddafi stated his theories would serve
all humanity and be based on truth. His theories sought to navigate the political
spectrum between communism and capitalism and was, in Gaddafi’s view, to be a new
middle way. Gaddafi argued that capitalism had turned
societies into “a circus that had been handed over…to the individual without any restraints,”
while communism turned humans into mere sheep controlled by the government. Gaddafi argued that his theories would work
best for the countries deemed to be the Third World and could help those nations have the
best chance of fighting back against stronger and more oppressive nations. Gaddafi’s ideas were deeply tied to his
Islamic faith and the prevailing assumption of the Third Universal Theory was that in
order to succeed, humanity had to “return to the kingdom of God.” However, Gaddafi’s theory largely was socialism
with a heavy dose of Islam added to the mix and Gaddafi was confident that his new invention
was the only way for the Third World to resist imperialism and the pull of capitalism and
communism. While his followers praised it, the theory
drew significant criticism for its lack of originality and its confused nature. Gaddafi later articulated his ideas even further
in his work entitled The Green Book, a three-part series first published in 1975 which articulated
Gaddafi’s ideas of how to construct a better world in politics, economics, and in social
issues. The book argued that in order for society
to have a true democracy, it must be stateless. Gaddafi believed that parliaments and parties
obstructed the progress of people and created division. Instead, Gaddafi suggested the best approach
was to have a government made of small committees in which every citizen participated, something
he believed Libya was achieving. He also argued that wages should be abolished
and anything that could possibly exploit another human to be expressly forbidden. In the Green Book Gaddafi also stated his
views on society, promoting the family as the core foundation of a utopian world. He also argued against discrimination of women,
but also asserted men and women had differing roles, with the woman primarily responsible
for children. The Green Book received criticism as well,
yet, the theory worked for Gaddafi in that it provided him and his supporters with an
articulation of the convoluted revolution they were enacting in Libya. Gaddafi believed his political theories to
be something akin to a new gospel for the modern age and the masses. While some viewed his views as confusing,
others celebrated this young man heading a revolution that promised to free an Islamic
state from the grasp of western powers. Gaddafi gave speaking tours in other Arabic
states and spread the message of his revolution to any and all who would listen. From the popularity he received, some believed
that Gaddafi had let the praise go to his head, leading him to believe that he was the
leader of not just Libya, but also the Islamic world. Some of his fellow revolutionaries grew more
frustrated at Gaddafi’s arrogance. A few resigned and refused to support the
new government. Some former friends went to more extreme measures
such as attempting a coup in 1975, which like the previous attempted coup, failed dramatically
as it was discovered before it had even begun. Gaddafi was firmly in power and rebellion
would not be tolerated in the least. On the 2nd of March 1977 in Sebha, Libya,
Gaddafi announced “the Declaration of the Establishment of the Authority of the People”
which marked the beginning of the Jamahiriyah or “state of the masses.” This announcement created, at least in theory,
the state envisioned by Gaddafi in his Green Book. In conjunction with the monumental event,
Gaddafi renamed Libya the “Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriyah,” and changed the
flag to be a plain green flag. Fidel Castro, the Cuban dictator, was invited
to be the special guest of honor during the ceremonies. Castro praised the Libyans and crowds filled
the streets celebrating the start of a new era in Libya. Despite all his talk of allowing the people
to lead, Gaddafi continued to remain at the head of the state. As the thousands of local committees began
to function, problems quickly arose. Lack of participation by the majority of Libyans
and ambiguity over what the responsibilities even were of the local governments resulted
in chaos. Furthermore, the government confiscated all
private lands and only leased to individuals what they needed for their subsistence needs. Corruption was rampant, and few had faith
in the new system. Furthermore, resistance was growing to Gaddafi’s
system. Students took to the streets in protest, just
as Gaddafi had years earlier, but this time to protest against the man who was supposedly
the savior of Libya. A year prior to Gaddafi’s transformation
of the state into his ideal society, students had been detained and arrested en masse in
Tripoli and Benghazi for minor protests. Following the change to the Libyan state in
March of 1977, Gaddafi turned even more aggressive against the students by publicly hanging a
number of students involved in the protest the year before. The hangings took place on Tripoli’s Al-Fateh
University Campus, with university students being forced to watch as their classmates
were killed. But the demonstration of power was not just
for those in Tripoli. The events were broadcast throughout the nation,
alongside several other public executions of alleged spies and participants in the 1975
attempted coup. April 7th would remain the day of public executions
for the rest of the Gaddafi reign. However, even as Gaddafi demonstrated his
willingness to use brutal force to suppress dissidents, he also created ways to heighten
his power and protect his revolution. In September 1978 Gaddafi announced to the
people that in the future a separation of power would occur between “revolutionary
authority” and the “people’s authority.” In March of 1979, Gaddafi and his remaining
members of the original “Central Committee” resigned from their government positions to
devote themselves to maintaining the revolutionary spirit of 1969. Gaddafi retained his role as commander of
the armed forces and took on the title of “Leader of the Revolution” or “Brother
Leader.” Despite Gaddafi formally leaving his official
role in the state, he and his inner circle continued to wield complete control of Libya. In essence, Gaddafi had moved the real state
power in Libya beyond the control of the people and into the select group that was Gaddafi’s
inner circle. To further support himself and his regime,
Gaddafi began forming the Revolutionary Committees Movement, a paramilitary body that was officially
organized in 1979, but had already been partially formed as early as 1976. Initially on university campuses, these groups
were formed out of students filled with fervor for the revolution and given the task of rooting
out and removing dissidents within Libya’s several universities, regardless of whether
they were staff or students. Gaddafi declared in 1978 that these revolutionaries
were “to be everywhere, secret or public…to carry out the duty of urging the masses to
revolt in order to seize power and to destroy any organization that stands in the way.” In sum, Gaddafi had created his own secret
police, who armed with devotion to Gaddafi’s revolution, would root out any and all detractors
of the regime before they became a threat. Gaddafi christened these new recruits, “the
prophets of the age of the masses.” Soon, Gaddafi endowed these committees with
absolute control of selecting leadership of the local peoples’ committees and congresses. In order to carefully manage these revolutionaries
to protect himself and the regime, Gaddafi created the Revolutionary Committees Liaison
Office, a supervisory board filled with family members and members of his family’s tribe,
all people who had a deep-seated interest in Gaddafi’s survival. Shrewdly, Gaddafi placed one of his relatives
and most loyal supporters, Mohamed Majdhoub at the head of this office and barred communication
between the revolutionary cells. Everything had to come through the central
office, thus protecting Gaddafi from an internal revolt. The former revolutionary was not interested
in dealing with a coup against himself. As revolutionary committees spread throughout
Libyan society, they infiltrated schools, committee rooms, the workplace, and media
centers. The decline of the free press resulted in
a state-controlled stream of propaganda into the homes of ordinary Libyans. No one reporter or news broadcaster was allowed
to gain too much popularity before their removal by Gaddafi. In essence, Gaddafi and his new band of revolutionaries
had reformed society to create a world where Libyans were disconnected from the outside
world and the reality of their own world. By 1980, the isolation of Libyans was almost
complete as Gaddafi’s revolutionary committees were instructed to liquidate any and all opponents
of the revolution. Gaddafi’s followers launched a wave of terror
in an effort to root out opposition. Thousands were arrested and a climate of fear
settled onto the populace of Libya. Not even the various imperial colonizers had
been able to achieve such absolute control of Libyan society. Countless horrific stories could be told of
the oppression and the terror that faced Libyans throughout the rest of Gaddafi’s reign. Public executions and televised interrogations
cemented in the minds of many the understanding that to fight was to suffer and to die. No one it seemed had the capacity to challenge
the regime. As his agents worked to quash any resistance,
Gaddafi’s economic policies were further crushing the minimal prosperity that had been
gained prior to his rise to power. The devaluation of the Libyan dinar, the confiscation
of private property, and the destruction of private commerce and trade caused untold havoc
on the Libyan economy. Under Gaddafi’s instruction, the state moved
into occupying all aspects of Libyans’ lives. Consumer shortages were common and what little
imports made their way into the state-run supermarkets were often poor quality. Gaddafi and his regime also banned private
doctors or lawyers, forcing all within those professions to work for the state. As private sector jobs were crushed and squeezed
out by Gaddafi’s policies, the majority of Libyans turned to the state for jobs. Controlling all of the oil revenue, Gaddafi
and his followers were more than happy to expand the state apparatus to provide more
jobs, many of which were pointless desk jobs. The government provided everything, work,
healthcare, welfare, a home, a car. Yet, the people were still poor and public
servant salaries were frozen in 1981 and remained so until the late 2000s. The result of Gaddafi’s state-run economy
was poverty and astronomical amounts of waste of public funds. Gaddafi’s policies not only hurt the cities,
but also the rural regions of the country as he encouraged increased production, which
resulted in depleted water stores and overused lands. Libyans throughout the 1980s and into the
21st century suffered from their leader’s ideas and revolution. As Gaddafi set to transform the economy in
the 1980s, he used the military as part of his tool kit. Having long been a heavy spender when it came
to weapons, buying large amounts of weapons from the Soviet Union, Gaddafi sought to strengthen
his nation and regime by militarizing the majority of Libyans beginning in the schools. Military uniforms and military topics were
compulsory at the nation’s schools. Students were in essence drafted into the
military. Whether it was attempting to buy nuclear weapons
or irrigating miles of desert for farmland, or buying off segments of the population,
Gaddafi plowed forward with a relentless determination and pride. He ruled Libya with an iron fist, creating
official positions, removing positions, merging government offices, establishing new ones. All came under the direct command of the Brother
Leader and Libyans throughout the nation understood that they depended on Gaddafi for survival. Gaddafi was not content with only controlling
Libya. A true radical, he believed that his revolution
and his forces ought to make their power felt abroad. While causing concerns among American leaders
that his state was aligned with the Soviet Union, nothing could be further from the truth. Gaddafi wanted Russian guns. But he saw Russia as an imperial power, one
to be resisted and eventually destroyed. Gaddafi wanted all to see him as a helper
of the oppressed and those resisting colonialism. However, more importantly, he saw himself
as a revolutionary for the Arab world. He believed that his revolution held the answers
to crushing Israel, expelling Westerners, and returning the Middle East to its former
glory. His attitude and plans to conquer Israel were
mocked and resented by rival leaders who were frustrated with the young hothead from Libya. He further enraged fellow Arab leaders when
at a celebration in Libya in June of 1970, Gaddafi threatened the visiting foreign dignitaries,
including his hero Egyptian President Nasser, with revolution if they did not unite together. Nasser angrily slammed his fist on the table
and ordered Gaddafi to shut up. Though briefly reminded of his place, Gaddafi
was undeterred. He believed that upon Nasser’s death in
1970, he himself would hold the place Nasser had occupied in international politics. He also declared that Libya, and by extension
himself, would be the catalyst in unifying Arabs everywhere into a single nation, much
as Prussia had unified Germany and Piedmont had unified Italy. While the rest of the region had moved on
from the vision of a pan-Arab nation, Gaddafi clung to this vision with a tenacity which
characterized the rest of his life. In speeches and in his writings, Gaddafi constantly
envisioned his nation leading Arabs to a brighter future. As other leaders across the region resisted
his efforts to unite their countries with his own, Gaddafi began working behind the
scenes to destroy those who opposed him. During the 1970s and 1980s, Gaddafi was accused
of helping orchestrate an assassination attempt on the Tunisian Prime Minister Hadi Nouira
and supplying and training rebel Tunisians who attacked a mining town near the Tunisian
– Libyan border. When France sent aid to help Tunisia, Gaddafi
allowed mobs to attack and burn the French embassy in Tripoli. He supported an attempted coup in Morocco
and as well as one in Sudan and had attempted to foment rebellions in Egypt. As his fellow Arab leaders sought to quell
the firebrand revolutionary, Gaddafi only intensified his efforts. He angered fellow Arabs by supporting the
Iranians and Iraqi Kurds against Saddam Hussein, Iraq’s nationalistic leader and considered
one of the Middle East’s leading Arab figures, in the 1980s. Gaddafi, ironically, considered Hussein a
thug and did everything in his powers to fight him. Furthermore, Gaddafi saw the Iranians as far
more anti-western than many Arabs, a prime virtue in his eyes. However, one area he did agree on was supporting
the Palestinians. With his oil money, Gaddafi bankrolled a wide
range of Palestinian groups and sought to particularly support the most radical and
militant groups during the 1970s and 1980s. He founded camps dedicated to training Arabs
from across the Middle East in fighting the state of Israel and established what he termed
the “Jihad Fund” to finance military action by Palestinians. For Gaddafi, terror was a legitimate weapon
to be used in fighting the state of Israel. Even in his views on the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict, Gaddafi was too radical and led many Arabs to view him as a ludicrous and
insane leader. As Gaddafi worked to stir up the Middle East,
he also began using his oil money to buy political capital in Africa and across the globe. Gaddafi was determined to be seen as a leader
who supported the weak against the strong. He funded communist insurgents in Italy and
Japan, Muslim insurgents in the Philippines, the Irish Republican Army, Basque separatists,
and dozens of other movements in the Americas. However, a large chunk of his oil funds went
to his ventures in Africa. Gaddafi first sent Libyan dollars and troops
to aid the Ugandan dictator President Idi Amin, who was locked in a conflict with Tanzania
in 1972. He continued to support Amin, even as international
opinion darkened, and Amin’s forces were routed. In 1978 Gaddafi sent 2,500 Libyan soldiers
to the rescue of his ally, only to learn that his troops had been completely routed. Gaddafi also began aiding Emperor Jean-Bedel
Bokassa of the Central African Republic, especially after his conversion to Islam in 1976. Gaddafi channeled millions to Bokassa, only
to learn that the monarch had returned to Christianity. Still, he continued to support the emperor
and fed the cash-strapped dictator funds to continue his ruthless rule of the Central
African Republic. In the same way that he erratically funded
tyrants, he also provided support to anti-colonial and anti-apartheid movements throughout Africa,
including Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress. Gaddafi became a force to be reckoned with
in Africa, and many leaders came to take the dictator of Libya seriously. However, his most notorious interference was
in the African nation of Chad as he supported Muslim rebels in their bloody civil war against
the Christian government. By the 1980s the war had turned against the
Muslim rebels to such a point that their leader, Goukouni Oueddi, began to seek for peace. Gaddafi refused to allow the conflict to stop
and attempted to arrest Oueddi while he was in Libya. The results were disastrous. The people of Chad collectively turned against
Gaddafi and began marching towards Libya. Between 8,000 and 10,000 Libyan soldiers,
many of whom were conscripts, were killed in the fighting which lasted until September
of 1987 when Chadian soldiers moved into Libyan territory. Not only did the war end in a disastrous defeat,
but it also led to many Libyan soldiers defecting to Chad and joining the Libyan opposition. The war was costly, but Gaddafi seemed to
care little about the repercussions. While pouring funds into various projects
across Africa and the Middle East, Gaddafi remained steadfastly committed to overthrowing
imperialism in any form, be it from the West or from the Soviet Union. By 1977 Libya had completely alienated the
United States of America’s leadership who saw Gaddafi as sponsoring terrorism and insurgency. Relations further soured as Gaddafi created
an international arm to his secret police which he titled the International Mathaba
to Resist Imperialism, Racism, and Reactionary Forces in 1982. Headed by Musa Kusa, one of the most feared
men in Libya, this new force was tasked with spreading Gaddafi’s revolution abroad and
punishing those Libyans outside the country who dared to challenge Gaddafi. Based out of Libyan embassies, Gaddafi’s
revolutionaries began looking to round up those they termed “stray dogs” or Libyan
dissidents. Gaddafi was paranoid that perhaps those anti-regimists
would topple his creation, and he sought to brutally suppress them, even going so far
as to tolerate plane hijackings and attacks on foreign soil. However, even before the establishment of
the International Mathaba, Gaddafi’s people were at work trying to silence the opposition. In April of 1980, two Libyan expatriates,
Mohamed Ramadan, a Libyan journalist with BBC’s Arabic Service, and Mahmoud Abu Nafa,
a lawyer, were shot and killed in London. Soon afterwards more murders of Libyans occurred
in Italy. When foreign opposition mounted, Gaddafi brushed
the international anger aside. He had once stated, “Some people will die
and people will forget about them, but the result will be that right will triumph, good
will triumph, progress will triumph.” This type of attitude, combined with Gaddafi’s
support of terrorism and ties to the Soviet Union, earned him the ire of U.S. President
Ronald Reagan, whom Gaddafi derided as a “second-rate actor.” Reagan called Gaddafi the “mad dog of the
Middle East” and saw his meddling in world affairs as a proxy for Soviet ambitions. Even prior to Gaddafi’s founding of the
International Mathaba, Reagan had broken off diplomatic relations in 1981 and had approved
US planes to shoot down two Libyan aircraft in a dispute in the Gulf of Sirte. Tensions, throughout the 1980s, were sky high
between the United States and Gaddafi. Gaddafi, never one to back down to a challenge,
particularly a challenge from the West, continued to brazenly support revolutions throughout
the globe. Gaddafi had made many foes over the years,
not the least being the United States of America. In the 1970s and 1980s Gaddafi enraged Sunni
Muslims for his declarations that rejected anything outside of the Koran. Furthermore, his religious views often maddened
local and international Muslim leaders who condemned Gaddafi’s actions and labeled
him a heathen. While religious leaders abroad continued to
denounce Gaddafi, local religious leaders suffered house arrest, persecution, and death
for defying Gaddafi’s religious views. Many others chaffed at the brutality and lack
of freedom in the Libyan state. Outside of Libya, Gaddafi had alienated many
leaders in the Middle East and Africa who saw him as a threat. In the West, the reactions to Gaddafi were
mixed. Some favored ignoring the man, particularly
those leaders of nations that were most dependent on the flow of oil coming from Libyan shores. Others, such as leaders in the United Kingdom
and the United States saw Gaddafi as reckless and dangerous to humanity. After a bombing in a Berlin nightclub killed
several Americans, Americans revealed that Gaddafi had been behind the attack. On the 15th of April 1986, ten days after
the nightclub bombing, eighteen US F-111 bombers launched an attack on Libya, dropping around
sixty tons of bombs throughout the country. Gaddafi was aware an attack would be coming,
the Italian prime minister tipping the middle-aged revolutionary off about the United States’
plan. While the targets were largely military targets
or the Gaddafi compound, some stray bombs landed in civilian areas, killing a number
of civilians. Gaddafi himself was nearly a casualty, however
the attack was a warning to Gaddafi to tread carefully. The raid humiliated Gaddafi and demonstrated
his military’s weakness, despite all the funds he had lavished on it. The raid also opened a door for Gaddafi’s
internal opponents to try and overthrow the dictator. Little support for Gaddafi arose from the
people, and though the attempted insurrections were put down, Gaddafi was aware there were
cracks in his power. However, to the outside world, Gaddafi put
on a show of stepping up his saber rattling against the US. In September of 1986 Gaddafi threatened to
raise armies throughout the globe to “put a fire under the feet of the United States.” In 1987 he threatened to unleash “freedom
fighters’ who would die heroes as they fought the United States. He famously stated that “Yankees have no
morals; they have no conscience. They should not be treated as humans.” While Gaddafi raged, many Arab leaders failed
to demonstrate resounding support for the Leader from Libya. Many agreed with the United States’ assessment
that Libya should be treated as a pariah on the world stage and that Gaddafi was a lunatic. Despite these feelings, no one did anything
to halt Gaddafi. Increasingly isolated by the end of the 1980s,
Gaddafi’s revolution was grinding away the lives of his people at an alarming rate. Following the bombings in 1986, a combination
of U.S. sanctions and dropping oil prices inflamed an already bad economic situation. Food and medicine became harder to come by
and many turned to an already expensive black market. The terrible situation in Libya prompted increased
resistance to the regime and greater coordination between the various Libyan opposition groups
sheltered outside of Libya’s borders. Gaddafi was a revolutionary radical, but he
was not a fool. Sensing mounting tensions in his nation, Gaddafi
began to implement some surface level reforms to appease the masses. He launched attacks on the revolutionary committees
that had for over a decade done the majority of the work keeping Gaddafi in power through
terror and intimidation. Gaddafi staged productions of his releasing
political prisoners and of publicly criticizing the revolutionaries. Other reforms were likewise surface level,
ignoring the greater, more pressing problems in his nation. He also reversed some of his more aggressive
socialist policies, particularly those which had targeted private business and companies,
as well as the ban on private trade. Still, many Libyans remained wary after having
watched the radical changes in their leader’s stances. While economic changes in the early 1990s
eased some of the most pressing problems, a new wave of challenges flowed rapidly onto
Libya’s shores. On the 27th of November 1991 the United States
and United Kingdom called for Libya to surrender two of its citizens that were believed to
be part of the bombing of a Pan American World Airways flight over the Scottish town of Lockerbie,
which killed over two hundred and sixty people, as well as to accept Libya’s role in the
atrocity and pay indemnities. Predictably, Gaddafi was outraged. Though later sources indicate that the Libyans
were only a part of a larger terrorist plot, Gaddafi launched a series of highly explosive
speeches claiming himself to be the victim and the sole defender of Arabs and of oppressed
peoples across the world. However, threats of American and British sanctions
terrified Gaddafi. Knowing full well how dire the economic situation
was in Libya, Gaddafi made some conciliatory gestures and pled with the United Nations
to intervene. Gaddafi even shared his involvement with terrorist
groups in hopes of obtaining Western good will. Such efforts came too little, too late, and
on the 31st of March, 1992 the UN Security Council accepted Resolution 748 which launched
a host of sanctions against Libya. However, while the sanctions and asset freezes
that came in 1993 hurt the Libyan economy, European states such as Italy, Spain, and
Germany, helped protect the main source of Libyan wealth – oil. These states, the largest importers of Libyan
oil, lobbied hard and successfully to prevent the United States’ suggestion of sanctioning
the Libyan oil industry. Gaddafi, at least for the moment, could retain
control of events. As the sanctions began to take effect, unhappiness
in Libya rose. The terror of the Gaddafi regime and the lack
of basic necessities led some Libyan officers to begin plotting to stage a coup. Having come into contact with Libyan opposition
groups in Germany, these officers began laying the groundwork for a coup in a similar manner
to Gaddafi’s own plotting decades earlier. However, unlike the monarchy, Gaddafi took
no chances. On the 11th of October 1993 the conspirators
were arrested and the plot extinguished as quickly as it had begun. What angered Gaddafi most was that many of
the officers were from a tribe considered to be close allies. Gaddafi determined to make an example that
few would forget. As their interrogations were broadcast on
TV, Gaddafi forced the would-be revolutionaries to claim they were stooges of the United States. And cunningly, Gaddafi forced their own tribe
to punish them and their families. The loyal elements of the Werfella tribe,
which many of the conspirators had been a part of, set about destroying the homes of
the revolutionaries and terrifying the family members connected to the conspirators. Finally in January 1997, the horrific drama
ended when six officers were executed by firing squad and two civilians hanged. Other dissidents emerged, though these came
not from the military, but rather from militant Islamic groups who were determined to destroy
what they saw as the heathen Gaddafi state. Gaddafi was shocked given the emphasis his
revolution had placed on incorporating Islam into the social structure. He watched warily as the neighboring state
of Algeria plunged into civil war in the 1990s as Islamist elements rebelled against the
army. In Libya, underground groups of Islamist activists
were launching their own revolution. In the 1980s growing numbers of activists
publicly denounced Gaddafi, and despite the brutal crackdowns, more and more of the Libyan
population became sympathetic. After a failed jihad by local militants in
1989, Gaddafi spent the 1990s cracking down through mass arrests, which inevitably led
to torture and brutal suppression. Gaddafi also launched a speaking vendetta
against the Islamist movement, decrying the militants and their allies as heretics and
enemies of progress. In 1995, the regime uncovered a network of
Islamist cells and launched its most brutal campaign yet. Thousands were imprisoned, and those militants
who escaped to the Jebel Akhdar, or the Green Mountains, in eastern Libya, were soon engaged
in a desperate fight. Many of these fighters had experience in fighting
more heavily armed enemies, having served with the Mujahideen in Afghanistan fighting
the Soviet Union’s invasion. The rebels nearly succeeded in assassinating
Gaddafi in November 1996 when a militant threw a grenade at him while he was visiting the
town of Brak. In response, Gaddafi launched a scorched earth
campaign targeting anyone even remotely associated with the rebels. The revolutionary committees were once again
given free reign, their atrocities being broadcast on national television. The army tightened control of the east, which
turned into a security zone. In 1996 at the Abu Slim prison, the regime
massacred 1,286 political prisoners and buried the victims in mass graves. To further heighten his control Gaddafi in
1997 introduced the Charter of Honour, a law which imposed collective punishment on families
and tribes who harbored militants, such as restricting access to water or electricity. He also economically abandoned the eastern
half of the country, punishing it for its support of the Islamist rebels. Isolated even from the rest of the country,
the east began to appear as a post-war zone, with abandoned and ruined infrastructure engulfing
cities such as Benghazi. The brutal crackdown had pushed the resistant
underground and left Gaddafi in power, but it failed to kill off the memory of the rebels. Furthermore, the record high inflation of
an average of 35% made life difficult to say the least. While most Libyans suffered, well connected
elites and traders saw their wealth only rise, creating a new and powerful upper class. Corruption was rife in every part of the realm
and the social system seemed to be on the verge of collapse. The never-ending crisis of the 1990s seemed
to be tempering as many nations lifted their costly embargos on Libya in 1998. Furthermore, anti-Western protests erupted
when a Scottish court convicted a Libyan of murder in the 1992 PAN-AM flight incident. As American officials continued to battle
with Gaddafi over his responsibility for the bombing, the dictator saw this only as confirmation
of the United States’ imperialism and became incensed at American demands that Libya compensate
the victims. However, a core group of advisors, understanding
the dangers of another period of isolation, convinced their leader to work with the Americans. Still, Gaddafi declared his and Libya’s
innocence in the bombing, all the while terrifying western leaders, who through their spy networks
knew that Gaddafi was assembling designs and materials for a nuclear bomb. These fears were laid aside following the
9/11 terror attacks in the United States and a slew of other attacks throughout the West. Gaddafi saw his moment to regain the upper
hand and gleefully declared that he had long warned the world of the dangers of Islamists
like Osama Bin Laden. The desperate need of the West for Arab allies
took a curious turn when Gaddafi condemned the 9/11 attacks and offered the United States
his support. For a man who had spent the majority of his
life attacking the United States, this shift was quite a turn. However, as with many other moments during
his reign, his personal vendetta against Libyan Islamists took precedent over his hatred of
the United States. Libya quickly began sharing all its information
on Libyan Islamists, seeking to garner the goodwill of the West, even going so far as
to abandon its nuclear and chemical weapons programs. Though deeply suspicious, Americans underestimated
the desire that Gaddafi had to preserve his regime. Gaddafi knew that unless something was done
to rectify the economic crisis, his days were numbered. By December 2003, Libya had agreed to terminate
its weapons of mass destruction program and allow inspectors into the state. While some American leaders such as Secretary
of State Colin Powell gloated that Gaddafi had been cowed by the American invasion of
Iraq and Afghanistan, a claim which Gaddafi furiously denied, rumors circulated among
Libyans that Gaddafi was next, which in some circles was welcomed. No one wanted the Americans back on Libyan
soil, but in the same breath, many wondered if it could be much worse than having Gaddafi
remain in power. Gaddafi however had toed the line and had
brought his country back into the good books of the Americans and British. By June 2004 the US once again had diplomatic
relations with Libya and in September of 2004 the US lifted its sanctions and by 2006 had
removed Libya from its list of State Sponsors of Terrorism. Relations quickly evolved to be more sympathetic
and during the tenure of President Barrack Obama, Gaddafi visited the United States for
the first time in September of 2009 to participate in the United Nations General Assembly. Despite Gaddafi’s softening stance on the
West, he refused to reform and instead unleashed a renewed fervour for revolution in the 2000s. He called on the youth of Libya to reinvigorate
the revolution while promising the people that nothing in the government would change. However, he did allow more foreign investments
and provide token improvements to garner the approval of the West. Some of Gaddafi’s children, such as his
son Saif Al-Islam, a Vienna-educated free market loyalist, were at the forefront of
pushing their father to reform the crumbling state. However, efforts to reform were constantly
hampered by Gaddafi and his allies, who were reluctant to abandon the old ways that had
been at the heart of the regime for over four decades. Furthermore, efforts to reintroduce privatization
into the economy failed to stop the growth of an oligarchic class that reaped the rewards
of a new friendship with the West, including many of Gaddafi’s children who took excess
to a new and dangerous level. Talks of democracy were cheap and never serious,
though western officials hoped and believed the rhetoric of Libyans like Gaddafi’s son
Saif, that change would soon come. In many ways, it was all a farce. Gaddafi and most officials had no intention
to change, no matter how persuasive his son or others could be. As the regime experienced this period of change
with wealth flowing once again into certain Libyans’ pockets, the vast majority of Libyans
never truly felt the impact of reform. Gaddafi was erratic and brutal, most depended
on the state to survive, and it seemed that Libya was locked in time as a backwards, anti-western
and socialist state. Tensions underneath the surface burst violently
through the fabric of Libyan society when at 3:30 pm on the 15th of February 2011 a
young lawyer from Benghazi named Fathi Terbil, who was representing the families of those
men killed at the Abu Slim prison massacre in 1996, was arrested. His crime was his organizing a “Day of Rage”
or mass protest planned for the 17th of February to call for reforms and a constitution. Gaddafi and his supporters were also keenly
aware of the troubles brewing across the Middle East. Tunisians and Egyptians had ousted their long-term
leaders, resulting in new governments. It was the start of what would become known
as the Arab Spring, and Gaddafi perhaps sensed that something had to be done before his nation
succumbed as well. Public demonstrations were increasing, and
Gaddafi was moving quickly to cut off the viper of revolution. He condemned the Arab Spring revolutions in
Tunisia, held meaningless, but showy public talks with ordinary Libyans, and provided
empty promises of change and increased handouts. These niceties were also accompanied by the
regime’s usual heavy-handed oppression of arresting and questioning potential revolutionaries. However, unlike in previous decades, where
the Libyan state had snuffed out revolution before it began, Gaddafi was far too late. When word spread that Terbil, the young lawyer
had been detained, outrage swelled into direct protest and crowds swelled the streets of
Benghazi. The outside world watched breathlessly as
the crowds shifted from protestors to rioters. Police stations burned and chants gradually
focused not on reform, but on revolution. The people wanted the regime to end. Gaddafi unleashed his revolutionary forces
on the people, killing dozens and scattering the rest on the 17th of February 2011. However, the next day the masses returned
to the street, once again calling for change. As violence escalated in Benghazi, revolts
in other cities began to take shape. Gaddafi moved quickly to cut off the city
by disrupting internet and cell phone coverage. It proved futile. Revolution was spreading, and it was spreading
fast. As protests spread to cities throughout Libya,
the regime’s forces worked to brutally quash any resistance. Deaths mounted and the crowds continued to
grow, swelled with Libyans tired of the violence and fear that had been the staple of their
daily lives for so long. Though shocked, Gaddafi quickly rallied his
troops to Tripoli, where he hoped to begin reinstating his rule. With the nation in chaos, some of Gaddafi’s
old allies and one friend from his school days turned on him by joining the revolution. Never had a revolt become so serious in all
of Gaddafi’s time as ruler of Libya. He decided to crush the rebels in a way they
would not soon forget. Gaddafi believed it was time to bring in the
Second Jamahiriyah by announcing new changes to the old political system, the new Gaddafi
inspired revolution to be fueled by the deaths of the rebels. Even Gaddafi’s reform minded son, Saif Al-Islam
turned on the revolutionaries. The crackdown in Tripoli was initially successful
and soon, Gaddafi and his family had tamed the revolution in the western half of Libya. The east was another matter entirely. The revolutionaries in the east established
what they called the National Transitional Council or NTC, a coalition of various groups
working together to oust Gaddafi. Many of the leaders within the NTC were former
Gaddafi officials and reformers who had defected once the rebellion successfully weathered
the initial crackdowns. Largely technocrats who had supported reforms,
the leadership of the NTC worked feverishly to unite the Libyan opposition into a coherent
and stable camp. However, the rebels lacked arms and were lacking
in military training. The initial gains of the rebel forces were
quickly reversed in March of 2011, and it appeared that Gaddafi was on his way to regaining
control of Libya. As his forces surrounded the rebel stronghold
of Benghazi, on the 17th of March 2011 Gaddafi declared, “I will finish the battle of Benghazi
tonight. I will chase you flat by flat.” Many onlookers feared that the city would
be flooded with civilian blood. However, once again the West halted Gaddafi’s
plans. On March 17th, the United Nations Security
Council voted for a no-fly zone over Libya and authorized the use of military action
to protect civilians. The combined leadership of France and the
United Kingdom was the force behind the drive to intervene in Libya and found support from
a portion of the Arab League, long hostile to Western involvement. With the United States directing the intervention,
French and British planes, along with9 other nations began to attack Libyan forces. Gaddafi seized the moment to declare that
the West was preparing for an invasion of Libya. Despite the show of force, Gaddafi was not
concerned. He was determined to fight to a bloody end. As NATO forces helped the rebel forces capture
the key city of Misarata, after a long and bloody battle that nearly destroyed the entire
infrastructure of the city, Gaddafi increasingly circled his troops around the capital of Tripoli,
and he tightened his control of the city. People disappeared daily and regime forces
marched through the city constantly. Efforts were made through his son Saif to
negotiate with the west and the rebels, but few were interested in such talks. Gaddafi was seen as too unpredictable to be
trusted. Promises of open elections and democracy seemed
hollow after the months of devastation that had rained down on the civilians near Benghazi. Besides, the NTC seemed to be a model government,
willing to help the people and reopen Libya. Gaddafi lashed out frequently against the
NTC and condemned them as collaborators of the colonial powers. By August 2011 the rebels and their NATO allies
had nearly encircled Tripoli and began marching into the city. The Gaddafi forces melted away and crowds
surged into the streets in support of the revolution and ransacked his home. However, Gaddafi and his family were nowhere
to be found. When rebel forces had encircled Tripoli, Gaddafi
and a small convoy of loyal supporters had fled to his hometown of Sirte. The other members of the Gaddafi clan fled
to sanctuaries inside and outside Libya, hoping that they could escape the consequences of
their father’s rule. Meanwhile, rebel forces enacted their full
revenge on Gaddafi supporters, destroying the towns of Bani Walid and Sirte. Human rights abuses were numerous and the
anger the rebels felt at not finding Gaddafi in Bani Walid led to wanton destruction of
the city. The battle for Sirte dragged on well into
October, the regime forces fighting desperately knowing that surrender would result in death. Gaddafi himself remained in Sirte, surviving
on rice and pasta he had scavenged from the ruins of the city. He read the Koran and made phone calls for
help on his satellite phone. As he attempted to flee Sirte, a NATO flyover
launched a withering attack that caught the convoy by surprise. Gaddafi was wounded in both legs and was dragged
into a sewer to hide. Rebel forces soon arrived and dragged out
Gaddafi, raining blows on the sixty something year old man pleading for mercy. Finally, a young teenage rebel shot Gaddafi,
killing the once proud leader of Libya. His body was dragged through the streets of
Sirte before being sent to Misarata, where his body was displayed as a war trophy. Though the NTC pleaded with the rebels to
allow the body to be buried, the people refused to comply. Gaddafi was to have not a single honor or
respect paid to him. The bloody man who had controlled Libya and
remade it to mold his image, elicited the hatred and venom of his people. Even days and weeks after his death, crowds
lined up to take pictures over the next four days of the rotting bodies of Gaddafi and
one of his sons. On the 25th of October 2011, Gaddafi was buried
in an unknown location in the Libyan desert. The man who believed he would become the next
Father of the Arabs and leader of the developing world, had died in a gutter, killed by a teenage
boy. Though he had rained terror down on the Libyan
people for forty years, his reign ended through the will of the people, the people he always
declared he was meant to represent. What do you think of Muammar Gaddafi? Was he a radical revolutionary forced to violence
by the pressures of the West or was he a true tyrant who cared little for the health and
safety of his people? Please let us know in the comment section
and in the meantime, thank you very much for watching!
