Marriage & Politics in 19th & 20th Century Ethiopia

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>> From the Library of Congress in Washington D.C. >> Mary-Jane Deeb: Good afternoon everybody. And welcome, welcome to the African Middle East reading room and to our division. I'm Mary-Jane Deeb, Chief of the division and I'm delighted to see you all her for what is going to be; I know is going to be a great, great program today. So, I'm going to say a few things about our division. It is a division, which is responsible for collections from 78 different countries. We're responsible for collections for the whole continent of Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa and North Africa. The whole Middle East, which includes the Arab world, Turkey, Iran and also the whole of Central Asia and the caucuses. Now -- and the third section of the division is the Hebraic section, and we collect worldwide for the Hebraic section; so that's quite a responsibility. We are 21 members of this division. And each of us has scholarly publications, have written, have presented at conferences. Many have -- know several languages and so the materials that we collect are not simply collected and held for safekeeping. We share them and we share them with our readers, our patrons for their research, for their work. We are public servants, so we serve people, we serve those collections. We make them available and we help people do their research by not only collecting relevant materials, but also indicating to people where those materials are to be found. We feel that this is part of our work. We feel very responsible for these materials and we want to share them in every possible way. So we have this place, the exhibits, we have conferences, we have briefings, we work with other institutions to bring professors and their students, state department brings visitors from the various countries for us, brief them. And then it is in a way quid pro quo. We ask these wonderful researchers who have used our collections, who are specialists, who are experts to come and share with us their expertise and their knowledge of the various countries. And this is what those talks are all about. They're about bringing experts, bringing patrons to our reading room to share with us and the way they've done the research, what they have done, what they have written. And in a way we've all done, we've all become better informed. When we come out of these lectures and certainly today we have an absolutely wonderful speaker who was with us before. And she is a scholar and also a government official. She is Dr. Heran-Sereke-Brhan, originally from Ethiopia. She's here with her mother as well, which is wonderful, so I want to welcome her mother this morning and we are also happy to have special events representative with us today. She is here for the first time to see how we organize our programs and I want to welcome everyone who has taken time off their lunch period to be with us and to hear what we are doing. To introduce this speaker we have our own Fentahun Tiruneh who is here. And some of you may know and many of you don't know that he has received the highest order of the Ethiopian Crown and we now have to bow to Fentahun Tiruneh when we see him. He has a big medal and but it is, it is an award that he received for the work that he has done. He has been exceptional in his devoted attention to the Ethiopian collections. Not only has he brought some wonderful speakers as today's speaker but he has expanded the collection. He has gone out of his way to bring these materials to the attention of readers and to collect, and to collect materials. And so we have an exceptional collection. So he's really, we should be giving him a medal for the work he has done. So Fentahun Tiruneh will be introducing the speaker now. [ Applause ] >> Fentahun Tiruneh: Good afternoon Ladies and Gentlemen. I think you have heard enough about me. I don't have to repeat and introduce myself. But today I'm happy to present Dr. Heran Sereke-Brhan, Deputy Director of the Office of the African Affairs in the Washington D.C. government. And she's familiar to I think many of you because she was here at this forum and she spoke once before on Coffee, Culture and Intellectual Property. But today she will be speaking on Marriage, Politics and Social History for 19th and 20th century to Ethiopia. Before I proceed with the program I would like to remind you that this event is being videotaped for future webcasting on the Libraries webpage. By asking questions and making comments you are consenting that your voice may be recorded and later broadcast as part of the event. And the possible reproduction and transmission of your remarks. Now I will introduce Dr. Heran Sereke-Brhan. Der. Heran Sereke-Brhan has been over two decades studying and conducting research on African histories and cultures. As an academic she has explored social and political history and the role of women in 19th and 20th century Ethiopia as well as topics in art history and intellectual property issues for Africa. Heran's passion for the arts presented in her involvement in notable exhibitions at the University of Florida Harn Museum and the National Museum of the African Art Smithsonian Institution. Her contributions to community life include projects and publications in literary and performance arts, with commitment to honor a generation of Ethiopian artists and preserve and transmit their works for future generations. In her current role as deputy director of the Office of African Affairs Heran advocates on behalf of the African community within the government structure by addressing a wide range of staffing, funding and policy issues that affect the availability and quality of services to the African community. Heran holds a PhD and Master's in African History with minors in African Art History and African American and Caribbean history. Please help me to welcome Dr. Heran Sereke-Brhan. [ Applause ] >> Dr. Heran Sereke-Brhan: Good afternoon Ladies and Gentlemen. Give me one second to get settled. Thank you so much Ms. Mary-Jane Deeb and Fentahun Tiruneh for this repeat invitation and for the warm and gracious kind welcome that's always extended to me here. And thank all of you for making time in your very busy days to make your way here to be a part of this presentation. I must actually - because I also need to know, I need to know the actual name, title that Fentahun has gotten, Order of the Star of Honor of Ethiopia. I think it translates into [Inaudible], so you can now officially call him [Inaudible] Fentahun probably. Thank you so much. My topic for today is Marriage and Politics in 19th and 20th Century Ethiopia. Before I begin, I should say as mirrors and cars usually say "Objects in the mirror appear closer than actually their distance". This material is extremely dense material. And at one point or another your eyes are going to glaze over and your mind is going to go blank and I won't take it personally because this was my life for 10 years, and it's pretty dense stuff. But I'll try - what I'll try to do is go into some details for - to show or illustrate examples and kind of move back out to kind of talk about the larger significance of things. The universality of the topic of marriage as a political and diplomatic instrument, a symbolic show of solidarity and socially accepted way to cement relations across kingdoms and countries is one that we can attest to here, anywhere really around the world at any time of any time period. You may remember those of you who have followed Pan African history for example, the marriage of Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah to a woman named Helena Ritz Fathia. The woman was a close relative of President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt. And they got married in 1958. And the time Ghanian kente cloth weavers commemorated the occasion by designing patterns such as Fathia, Fata and Nkrumaha, which means it is befitting to have Fathia as in Nkrumah's wife and Oba Kofu Muman, one person does not rule a nation. They had three children together and up until recently they maintained residents in Ghana. We may also think about Jomo Kenyatta's marriages, the third and fourth marriages were to daughters of influential chiefs, which helped him gain legitimacy for leadership among the Kikuyu. In Europe of course, European history is replete with these examples between 11th and 20th century. European royalty from France, Britain, Spain, Prussia, Denmark, Russia and Germany inter-married very, very extensively and there are also examples in the colonial setting here for example that Spanish conquistadors married Amerindian women in the 16th Century, French commercial entrepreneurs in Senegal for example made a point of marrying powerful trade women, known as sinaras to gain acceptance and access to commercial networks. In the Ethiopian case my study is limited to the Northern part of the country because my sense of it was I wanted to study marriage, but in connection to politics, not just marriage as it was happening. But in connection to political history and but it's fair to say that a similar study could be designed for south and west of the country, in the area of Wolayta, Naria and Keffiyeh where migration and marriage relations are very important element and consolidation from the 17 through the 19th century. By way of background and introduction a lot of my presentation today draws from research I did for my dissertation study. The dissertation was titled "Building Bridges Drying Bad Blood. Elite Marriages, Politics and Ethnicity in 19th and 20th Century Ethiopia". So, it came about because at a very visceral level I grew up, as most Ethiopians, grew up understanding that Ethiopia was an interconnected space, we were intermarried, was all one big happy family. And as I got older and read more and listened more, I grew anxious I think at some subconscious level about the polarized way in which discussions were happening around state building and identity, both in conventional scholarship and in public discourse and of course lately in social media. My advisor was Harold Markus at Michigan State. And he was very worried that I was going to write what he called a begot dissertation in the style of the Old Testament. So and so, so and so begot so and so. And tempting as though that was, which means I could have had an Old Testament under my belt. But as it was the research took shape and it crystalized around three interwoven threads or themes. Ethnicity, identity on the one hand, movement of political power and state building and then gender and women. I drew the theoretical frame and methodology from readings on ethnicity, theoretical readings, gender and state building. I relied a lot on the work of Anthropologists, the anthropologist couple John and Jean Comaroff who defined ethnicity as a set of contextual relations and therefore a more kind of fluid and complex product of human agency. To examine gender and the place of women, and this was extremely difficult in the case of Ethiopia because they don't show up in written records much. So I had to read widely to come to the questions even. And I considered writings by scholars who had explored the subject of state building through kinship or marriage relations in places like the Kingdom of Dowmy in Western West Central Africa. And the 19th century Zulu and Boganda states. And from these readings I eventually designed an inquiry that would combine methodological and thematic concerns and examine issues of power, identity, gender and state formation. By documenting and studying Ethiopian elite inter-marriages and family histories I set out to map what I call a social history of power. This meant focusing on elite family histories and inter-relations and also reading this against the narrative of political history. So it wasn't just genealogical trees and family histories, but how that related to shifts of power that I was interested in. My study evolves against the backdrop of 19th and 20th century Ethiopia, a period of intense intermittent power struggles, unification, territorial expansion and later consolidation. Not surprisingly the pattern of elite inter-marriage followed the movement of power from [Inaudible], laterally including [Inaudible]. The marriages usually occurred as part of other power negotiations. As a prelude of good will and attempt to address past wrongs, [Inaudible] is what it's called, marriages to dry bad blood between families, or as marking measure of close relations between regional nobility. Tenuous and fragile as they sometimes were these alliances provided a critical continuum across geographical, cultural, linguistic and political divides. Studying Ethiopian elite inter-marriage also presented a novel opportunity to explore the place of women. Although they're not visible in public records as wives, daughters and mothers of royalty, Ethiopian women were social, cultural and political actors of some influence. By re-examining new and old sources in this light I intended to find a place or configure a place of prominence for the lives of elite women. And in the process takes steps towards engendering Ethiopian political and social history. Now there are previous works that have been published and that are fairly good, they're out there. Works by [Inaudible] and the late Richard Pankurst and Chris Prouty. They've considered the subject of marriage and politics in some form. But I was proposing looking at these family inter-relations across different regions of the country and over 100 years. So in terms of scale and complexity and time period considered this was going to prove super challenging. So the first question is what are the sources that are out there in terms of documenting marriage relations? These are some of the sources, believe it or not this image on the left is a family tree and it's dense. It's full of names. All of these things are names in between and it's huge and framed in a friend of mine's living room. As you can imagine you can't find full names of spouses, of husbands and wives to even be able to trace the family connections. Paternal and maternal sides were not all documented. Biographical material is really missing. So, I did ask and go after family trees when they were available. I went through scrapbooks. I went through newspapers, old newspapers. The image that you see on the right was called centric circles is a very interesting book that was done by [Inaudible] and it was published in 1965 Ethiopian calendar. What those circles, those are names that you see in the circles and what it does is it traces King Silas Lacy Shoa's descendants. So it's a total of 2,442 people that are detailed here. The book is very well done. It's indexed in the back. It's alphabetized and so on, so it's a really good resource but this is only one family. We're talking about one family in Shoa. I lucked out in a weird way, there was a scrapbook of wedding announcements at the Institute of Ethiopian studies. I also went to great lengths to walk through cemeteries and read gravestones to be able to date some of the biographical information. And then of course I did archival research here and in London as well. Oral history was where a lot of my information came from. I was able to do field work in 1995, but officially 97 and 98 with funding from the Social Science Research Council. In my presentation today I think I'll - I'd like to discuss three aspects of - that illustrate kind of the complexity of the social history of power. The first area is marriage and politics in the 19th century and this is important because it's when empire is being formed. It's sort of the first kind of wave of marriages that happens at a central political kind of way in a central way. I'll speak also about the inclusion and extensions of power that we'll see with one particular family in [Inaudible] and then I'll touch a little on elite women and their predicament and what their fate was in these scenarios. So when we look at the interconnections at the imperial center, one of the first things and most obvious things you'll see is that the regional powers start becoming interconnected through marriage relations. Another thing that you'll notice when you read it against the political history is that the shifts in marriage patterns closely mirror shifts in power. Marriages were not full proof. Sometimes they worked, sometimes they didn't. And that left mostly women, not always, but mostly elite women in certain predicament. As Ethiopian state moved toward centralization the latter half of the 19th century, the struggle for ascendency dominated the political stage vacated by the suicide death of Emperor Tewodros in 1868. And the decades that followed internal relations were characterized by shifting allegiances and opportune alliances. When [Inaudible] crowned himself Emperor [Inaudible] in 1868 he was faced with the same difficulties of regional unrest and religious disagreements as Tewodros. Three contenders to the throne emerged. Pictured here Adal Tessema, later Negus Takla Haimanot from the Central region of Gojam in the middle. Kasa Mercha, later Emperor Yohannes IV from Temben in the North pictured on the right. And Menilek Haile Melekot who was expanding North into [Inaudible] from his base in Shoa pictured on the left. Power changed hands three times from the short lived reign of Emperor Takla Giorgis to Yohannes, then Menilek. Between 1868 and 1889 even while political maneuverings and conflict continued among these and other figures less visible, but equally strategic negotiations took place in the form of marriage arrangements among the families. As we'll see this charted out in the next slide, sometimes it's easier to see it visually. But families of all three contenders were intermarried with Emperor Takla Giorgis family. Even before he became Emperor, Takla Giorgis made use of marriage alliances to garner support. First with Gojjam and then with surrounding regions. In 1868 Menilek's cousin [Inaudible] married [Inaudible] a relative of Giorgis and this provided a diplomatic front between Shoa and Lasta and their descendants continued to occupy important positions into the 20th century in the families of Rascasa. So to give you a visual idea of how this plays out we see here the three sort of regional powers and Emperor Takla Giorgis family. Takla Giorgis appointed Adal Ras in 1869, bestowing him with the governorship of Gojjam, Damut and ago mandir. He also gave him his sister [Inaudible] in marriage. While Takla Giorgis gamble with Adal that worked out, appeared to be successful. He was soon faced with a more serious threat from Casa, Takla Giorgis marriage to Casa's only sister Dinkinesh, did not deter Casa's rebellion. After winning a decisive battle in 1871 Casa was crowned Emperor Yohannes IV the following year and we'll say a little bit more about this particular, what happened in this situation for [Inaudible]. These early marriage arrangements tied together Lasta, Gojjam and briefly Tigre. Soon shifted directions in the accordance to changing politics The final days of Lasta and revival ended as Takla Giorgis was displaced and Tigres, Shoa, Gojjam assumed center stage in the person of Yohnnaes Menilek Anata. And here is where the politics is important. Yohannes authority was immediately challenged by some chieftains leaving him initially vulnerable. Rasada eventually submitted to Yohannes and was reinstated as ruler of Gojjam and Darmut. He continued to be a loyal vessel until the empower dynamic shifted again with the reckoning presence of Menilek Shoa who success in [Inaudible] signaled a potentially powerful rival to the throne. Emperor Yohannes was preoccupied with the impending Egyptian menace immediately continued to advance [Inaudible] the base that he had founded in [Inaudible] through [Inaudible] en route to Ghana. The clergy intervened to divert the confrontation between Yohannes and Menilek. In 1878 Menilek carried the traditional Stone of Penitence asked for forgiveness and swore his allegiance to Emperor Yohannes. Emperor Yohannes effort to maintain a balance of military and political power between Menilek and [Inaudible] interfered with Menilek's thinly veiled imperial design. The emperor increasingly favored Adal, possibly drawing him into the family with the marriage of Yohannes's nephew to Adal's daughter in November 1879. Adal was appointed [Inaudible] of Gojjam and Kafah in January 1880 bringing his status to par with Menilek. Menilek continued to challenge [Inaudible] authority and territorial holdings defeating him at the Battle of Babu in May 1882. Angered by the unrest caused by these rivalries Yohannes summoned Menilek and [Inaudible] to chide them for their actions and redefined their spheres of influence. He redistributed their land holdings taking [Inaudible] from Gojjam and Weloa from Shoa. Menilek was instructed to give up all the arms he had secured from the battle to [Inaudible] the trusted general of the Emperor. Yohannes pardoned [Inaudible] and returned all his confiscated arms. Both the military and political terms this agreement dealt a severe blow to Menilek. The administration of [Inaudible] is divided into two and given to [Inaudible] and to the emperor's young son [Inaudible]. This is critical to pay attention to. At this critical juncture Yohannes proposed the marriage of the same son [Inaudible] to Menilek's daughter. Accounts agree that the proposal may have been initiated by Emperor Yohannes with several factors in mind. Such a marriage would soften the slight of [Inaudible] made decisions on Menilek's pride indicating his respectability as a partner in power. Secession may also have been an issue. Menilek did not have a male heir and Yohannes may have wanted Menilek to acknowledge his son [Inaudible] as heir. Menilek's official chronicler [Inaudible] writes that Menilek -- that Yohannes was displeased with Menilek's actions [Inaudible] implying that such a connection would have kept the King in close proximity, so to keep an eye on Menilek may have been another speculation. Each speculation holds some truth and point to Menilek's growing importance as the impending successor to imperial authority. And the underlying significance of the dynastic alliance. So this marriage takes place. Historians hint that the young age of Zawditu to Araya Selassie around six and 13 years old respectively and the death of Araya Selassie five years later made their marriage an event of symbolic union rather than a practical one. Ras Araya Selassie is the one sitting next to his father to the right of his father. Despite his youth Ras Araya Selassie had been entrusted with the command of [Inaudible] with [Inaudible] as deputy in 1883. He was later transferred to [Inaudible] in 1886 and he remained an administrator even at that young age, there for two years. So it's obvious as Ras Araya Selassie tells us that when Menilek heard about this proposal he responded with some appreciation and appropriate modesty. So he said to Yohannes "It's only that the girl is to young for marriage or this would not have displeased me". Yohannes was not deterred reminding Menilek that the children of kings had urgent destinies that called for their participation, even from the time that they were babies held in leather slings and carriers [Inaudible]. The wedding would proceed, so Menilek returned to [Inaudible] to prepare for ceremony. [Inaudible] now gives us a very kind of juicy imaginative account of what followed. The Heavens had conspired to bless the union by sending a streaking star in the sky. A large canvassed area was leveled and carpeted with a section curtained off for the throne. Attendants were trained to wait on guests. Adorned and gifts of beautifully fashioned and embroidered clothes, the royal entourage completed this stage set for the ceremony to take place. And the ceremony took place on 13 February 1883. Festivities commenced with a full [Inaudible], a royal feast for the armies, Rasa Araya received gifts of clothes, different armaments, soldiers, tents and golds. Yohannes was unable to attend the betrothal due to illness but he granted [Inaudible] lands, so he gave as a gift the lands that she passed through on her trip to her husband's family in [Inaudible]. The next morning the celebration continued until noon when the bride prepared to leave for her new home. There was a 12 gun salute and the rumbling sound of drums signaled the occasion as [Inaudible] emerged accompanied by beautiful attendants adorned in gold and silver. A basket covered with an intricately embroidered skirt was carried in front of the group that followed singing and showering blessings upon the newlyweds. The significance here is that this marriage actually allowed Menilek to save face by recompensing him for losing Wellyo, this is also a very significant point. This region, now that was taken away from Manlike was going to be governed by his new son in law, so it seemed a fair kind of arrangement. It was not a minor afterthought added to the agreement, but an essential element of the negotiations in terms of understanding. Menilke's letter to Yohannes detailed his sentiments and it illustrates, really strongly illustrates the political implication of this union. So Menilek writes a letter to Yohannes and he said "Soon again when you said "I have taken [Inaudible], I said I would be sorry if you were to give it to [Inaudible]. While I would be pleased to hand it to your majesty". When later it was given to rasa Ariyah his new son in law I told myself that it had gone into the family. As the saying goes, when the calf milks the cow it only returns to the stomach. [Inaudible]. And was therefore pleased. So in a roundabout way Menilek is still kind of in the mix of governing this area through his son in law. The young couple's marriage ended abruptly in 1888. Soon after the Emperor returned from the [Inaudible]. [Inaudible] died suddenly from an infliction with small pox in June. [Inaudible] stayed a few more months then returned to her father's court in Shoa. That same year Menilek and [Inaudible] secretly joined forces against Yohannes. The emperors sense of betrayal at his two vessels was apparent in the vengeance his troops unleashed on Gojjam. Yohannes was angered that his more lenient policies towards [Inaudible] had not guaranteed his loyalty. [Inaudible] would come to [Inaudible] supporting this revolt was forced to submit to Yohannes. Meanwhile Menilek continued to push into Yohannes's territory involving Italians and appearing to mobilize his army to defense Shoa against the emperor. [Inaudible] in the meantime is very traumatized by all this and her reaction indicates her understanding of the volatile political situation and the potential that the marriage had presented as a peace offering. In grief stricken words she implored her father not to confront the emperor and noted that had her husband [Inaudible] been alive there would have been no altercation. And moved by her plea Emperor Yohannes was said to have cried afresh for his son. Also interesting to note is that although she returned to Shoa at the death of her husband, [Inaudible] lands and her many devotees there favored recognition of Menilek as Emperor, so these lands that are given as gifts, it's another factor. Donald Crummy has done a lot of work on land rights and women really feature into this a lot so that's something I'd really like to kind of revisit in the future. We now move to the second section of this presentation which looks at how a family kind of moves from a local setting to closer to the imperial center. And I have here the example of [Inaudible]. And we'll see what this example both how the supposedly local family, or non-royal family moves to the center. But also how marriage was used to heighten the prominence of one family and play down the prominence of hereditary claims. Also we will see with this family, it's very interesting how continuity happens with these marriages and though this is a story that happens in the 19th century, the beginning of it. It rolls over to the 1970's. The death of Gojjam [Inaudible] in 1902 marked the end of the reign of one of the last hereditary provincial kings of Ethiopia. Menilek divided the Kingdom of Gojjam into three administrative units effectively consolidating control. Three men were appointed to govern, [Inaudible] over Gojjam. Ras Mengesha whose picture you see here over [Inaudible] and the [Inaudible]. Though permanently weakened as a regional power Gojjam's importance at the center is indicated by the marriage pattern of elite family histories, Ras Mengesha Atikem's in particular. Ras Mengesha grew in prominent during Menilek's reign. And his descendants entered elite circles largely through intermarriage and without direct or prior claims of blood links to the traditional ruling council of Gojjam, that of [Inaudible] except by marriage. Ras Mengesha himself was linked to three different women in his lifetime and these are serial marriages. They don't marry them all at the same time, that's important to say actually. And two were of Shoan background, two of his wives and one was from Weilu. His first marriage was [Inaudible] a descendant of -- the Shoa King [Inaudible] and his second was to [Inaudible]. The third marriage was to [Inaudible] from Weilu. While these first marriages are not particularly noticeable for political intent. The children and the descendants are the ones that kind of widen the prominence and sort of the status of the family. And though it's difficult to find exact dates, a clear marriage of pattern relations -- marriage relations emerges from this particular family to show Ras Mengesha's growing political prominence. The early marriage, so the first round he kind of marries within Gojjam. The early marriages of his granddaughter [Inaudible] Mengesha was to that of the traditional ruling house of Gojjam. She ends up marrying [Inaudible] later [Inaudible]. By the next generation the marriage relations had moved to Weilu and Shoa. [Inaudible] gave birth to [Inaudible]. [Inaudible] went on to marry Menilek's grandson and heir [Inaudible]. This meant that by the second generation Ras Mengesha's family had married into the imperial center with family networks extending to both Wello and Shoan royal families. On the other hand Ras Mengesha Atikem's son, Ras [Inaudible] was married to Emperor [Inaudible] niece [Inaudible] thus bringing into the story the Semen fold. Ras [Inaudible] second marriage was to Emperor Menilek's grand-niece [Inaudible] or later [Inaudible]. Ras Mengesha's two daughters from his second union with [Inaudible] extended the networks further. One daughter [Inaudible] married [Inaudible] the son of Ras [Inaudible], her father's colleague in [Inaudible] and the Emperor's trusted general. Their daughter [Inaudible] later [Inaudible] was the wife of [Inaudible] the progressive intellectual, close confidante and cousin of Emperor [Inaudible]. Another daughter and I managed -- I did see a photograph of her, she was young and shy looking [Inaudible] married General [Inaudible] and had three daughters, one of whom married the Crowned Prince [Inaudible]. Are you glazed over or not yet? This is going to get thicker. [Inaudible] the daughter from Ras Mengesha's third marriage to [Inaudible] was the first wife of [Inaudible], Prime Minister from 1943 to 57 and highly recorded courtier [Inaudible] court. These marriages expanded to create links between Gojjam, Semen, Wallu and Shoa. Demonstrating that lateral connections were equally important in preserving social and political standing. And that marriage networks expanded in relation to political prominence. So the significance is that two descendants from Ras Mengesa's family designated heirs to the throne. [Inaudible] marriage to [Inaudible] and you see pictured here [Inaudible] who is married to Crowned Prince [Inaudible]. If Ras Mengesha was once Menilek's beloved general and alternative choice to gaining control in Gojjam, by the third generation his son in law, his son in law's brother [Inaudible] had married Emperor [Inaudible] daughter [Inaudible] and Ras Mengesha's granddaughter [Inaudible] was positioned at the side of Crowned Prince [Inaudible], the last heir of the Ethiopian Monarchy. And I should say what I learned doing social history and reading it against political history is that there's a certain telling of politics and political history that kind of ends and the social history piece still continues, the marriage and the inter-connections still continues. So when you read the political history you understand in the 20th century the ruling house of Gojjam had turbulent relationships with the imperial court. And conventional scholarship says you know the house of Gojjam was distanced from the imperial court, and this is of course true. But you know [Inaudible] family but Ras Mengesha's family history indicates how alternative power relationships were created and cultivated and sustained through intermarriage. And the ruling house of Gojjam was absent, but Gojjam itself continued to be represented at the imperial courts. And women had a big part to play in these continuities. So I'll transition over to women now. Again you know writing about women was extremely difficult because they are pretty much invisible in the written literature or they pop up in a way that there's no context to understand who are these women, are they important women, which families do they belong to, what is their source of power? Obviously they're not in - they're seldom in official positions of power. So, there's a lot of sort of implicit power that they exercise, influence that they exercise in the courts. We'll also look at one predicament of a royal women in these marriages and of course one has to talk about Empress Taytu who had immense skill and vision in running politics through intermarriage, so she would be important to say a little bit about. So we talked about the sort of the power struggle that was happening in the latter half of the 19th century, and one of the women in the story gets caught in the cross fire. And it wasn't always women, one has to say that because there were times that men are also kind of caught unaware or made victims of these marriage arrangements, it happened to men too. So in the 19th century, in this example that we looked at, Emperor [Inaudible] was facing threats from Casa and from Menilek. Takla Giorgis marriage to Casa's sister [Inaudible] did not deter Casa's rebellion. So Casa went ahead and went into battle and was crowned Emperor Yohannes in 1872. So what had happened to [Inaudible] is that her brother was pitted against her husband and she was still married to the future Emperor Yohannes IV. So to kind of bemoan her situation [Inaudible] was set to have lamented [Inaudible] the winner my brother, my husband is the victim. My grief is incomprehensible, all contained in my house and my family. So there were certain cross fires that many of the women found themselves. But when we move along to Empress Taytu time we also begin to understand that the movement of women in marriage alliances was part of a social strategy, it was not a mistake. It was not happenstance or kind of happening arbitrarily. Empress Taytu was an adult woman when she married Menilek who was her fifth husband and he had married a few women, most notably [Inaudible] before her as well. She had no children but she married off nieces and cousins and extended relatives or become Godmother to those that she wasn't related to by blood. And the end result of this was a very formidable network of power base that she built. With very, very careful savvy as to the political balance. Commenting on her success Governor [Inaudible] attempted to sum up this group of [Inaudible] power in 1900. And he says "[Inaudible], her brother, controlled to [Inaudible], [Inaudible] her nephew governed [Inaudible]. [Inaudible], her nephew ruled Kafa and [Inaudible] was presumed to have fallen into her orbit by his marriage to her niece [Inaudible]". Early 1908 Menilek's health showed signs of deterioration. The year before the Emperor had taken measures to safeguard the empire beyond his death by forming a cabinet. A crowned council of great chiefs and ministers who also was created and [Inaudible] was appointed advisor guardian of the young [Inaudible] Menilek's grandson and proclaimed heir to the throne. Though considerably weakened physically Menilek's presence afforded [Inaudible] the protection she needed to concentrate power into her own hands, which she did with the support of well-placed relatives. And here I rely on the work of [Inaudible] who did some really good article titled "Political Marriage Pattern in Ethiopia 1890's to 1916" and he kind of created columns that showed the chronological power shifts and their corresponding marriage patterns. So Empress Taytu period begins around 1890 to 1909 [Inaudible] after that and then [Inaudible]. And so we see here for example, [Inaudible] three nieces, [Inaudible] who were married to Ras Mengesha Yohannes, Ras [Inaudible] and [Inaudible] respectively. [Inaudible] planned on the neutrality of such men as [Inaudible] who was married to her niece [Inaudible] and [Inaudible] whose stand against the emperor may have been tempered initially due to his marriage of [Inaudible], [Inaudible] Goddaughter. So when she wasn't blood related, [Inaudible] would become Godmother to a lot of these important women. [Inaudible] cousin [Inaudible] ends up in this period being married four times. And your first instinct - well let me finish. She was married [Inaudible], later [Inaudible]. And no doubt [Inaudible] hand was in many of these marriage arrangements. So my first instinct when I saw this was you know this woman is getting married four times in a period of a very short time. So what's going on, is she just being thrown about in the system or is she doing this willingly or what is it you know? So your first instinct is to think they're pawns, they are pawns in this political game and they don't have any say. But as I did my oral history and interviews and talked to the women more, I began to realize that if not the woman that's actually getting married, then a woman in the family up higher, an older family exactly knew what the political situation was, why the families were being intermarried. Women were in the know and actually part of the negotiation. And in this case also - it also in a way, in a strange way also points to the value of the women, their birthright and their family connections. They were in demand pretty much. And so this woman got married four times in a very short period. [Inaudible] started strong opposition particularly among Menilek's officials and followers whose privileged positions were threatened. [Inaudible] hoped to have [Inaudible] Menilek's daughter instead of [Inaudible] ascend the throne. Here's [Inaudible] with his father [Inaudible]. But she prepared for both possibilities. [Inaudible] whom you see seated on the ground the emperor's grandson and desired heir was the son of Menilek's daughter [Inaudible] and [Inaudible]. Menilek's early rival turned ally in Wallo. Menilek's chronicler records that upon the occasion of [Inaudible] he was still Ras at the time, proposal around 1884 Ethiopian calendar. The emperor was said to have commented that [Inaudible] was like a son to him and he could not marry his two children to each other. [Inaudible] response to this is very interesting. She says Menilek's metaphoric ancestors in Israel would intermarry cousins and that this marriage would only be a case of adding water to increase and whiten the milk and so that decided the matter. In 1908 [Inaudible] saw another important marriage alliance between [Inaudible] and [Inaudible] that was designed to solve several problems. The bride's ancestry as granddaughter of Emperor Yohannes and the daughter of [Inaudible] niece [Inaudible] served as a good pretext to secure [Inaudible] presence at the imperial court. Also whether or not [Inaudible] inherited the throne [Inaudible] princess would continue to control political outcomes through this equally sound family network. In addition, Menilek's loyalists would remain appeased as [Inaudible] would prevail as the emperor's intended successor. Both [Inaudible] were under 10 years old and it's also important to note that these were not - these marriages were not made conjugal. They didn't have - they weren't married in the sense that they were adult people and were having sexual relations or anything like this. It was almost a betrothal and an agreement at this young age that they would - when they reach adulthood be married to each other. [Inaudible] were under 10 years old but the political and symbolic implication of their union far surpassed its practicality. The second possibility offered Empress Taytu equally sound channels of political control. Menilek's daughter [Inaudible], the widowed bride of [Inaudible], you'll remember her from before, [Inaudible] Yohannes, was at this time married to [Inaudible] nephew [Inaudible]. He would act as regent of the throne and administrator of the government the way she calculated it and Empress Taytu would have full access to power. As we know history had another ending plan for Empress Taytu, she was Eventually removed from government in 1910 and exiled from the palace after Emperor Menilek's death in 1913 until her own death five years later in 1918. So you know the big take away from me here was that women were actually conscious actors in this political chess game. The unions were sometimes fragile; sometimes they completely did not work. The women soldiered on most of the time, sometimes they left their husbands. Actually in the oral history research and the interviews it's very interesting to see how women are extremely liberated. They - you know I am the one kind of gawking in the background. "You married who and you left who and how" and I'm the one who is completely indignant. And they're like "Yeah, I didn't like him; I moved on. And I left the kids" they're very sort of liberal and you know I felt myself to be actually a lot more worried than they were. So, but in conclusion I'd say that the continuity of these family histories to me, points a very essential link between their presence, their collective presence and the crafting of empire. And in addition, to pointing to a more sort of diplomatic and peaceful mechanism of the expanding Ethiopian state one could raise new questions on identity women in power. And so the social history of families in proximity to power was sort of the frame, the girdle on which the entire state apparatus hung. So I'll stop there and see if you're - if you might have questions or thoughts. There might be folks here that are actually family members of the people I mentioned, so I'll stop there and wait to hear from you guys. Thank you very much for listening to me. [ Applause ] [ Inaudible Question ] >> Heran Sereke-Brhan: So it's a mixed thing. The women I got to interview, I did most of my research in the 90's, mid 90's and they - most of the women were in their 80's at the time. At least one woman that I remember very vividly, actually two were kind of - they were cognizant of what was going on politically but still within that space, they could make their own decisions. They got admonished, the Emperor's got involved, Emperor [Inaudible] also, you know one of the women was a relative of his was actually - he was quite upset that she had left the marriage, which had political weight obviously. So he had her - I think he ordered for her to have her hair shaved and you know so there is repercussion. But even within that, I think sometimes the women feel obligated to stay and sometimes - so it was never the same kind of reaction. But sometimes the women felt like this is not my life, so I can move on. So I got both kind of reactions. The alliance may have collapsed, that's interesting. I haven't thought about that, it may have. It may have or it may have solidified enough at that point where the marriage you know, was sort of secondary to the - it didn't all rely on the marriages obviously. But the marriages supported and cemented what was doing on politically, but that's a good question. I should look at that more closely. Thank you. [ Inaudible Question ] >> Heran Serek-Brhan: That's actually yes. I would think that the models existed before the imperial, building of the - the expansion of the imperial center absolutely true. And [Inaudible] is another of the women and even Menilek's first wife [Inaudible]. These are very powerful women because of their birthright, because of their connections and every time that you know there was a threat to the [Inaudible], in this case the [Inaudible] imperial center falling apart, the women start looking to marriage to create these continuities so it's just that I picked this time period [Inaudible] is very important and the [Inaudible] family that then comes into power is very important part of the story. And I think for the women's section should be very, very important. There was definitely precedence before Taytu, yes. Thank you. Good to see you too. Yes. [ Inaudible Question ] >> Heran Serek-Brhan: Okay so are women still empowered and do the political marriages still continue? My sense of it is towards the 1960, 70's the process was complete. This process of marrying, intermarrying, regional areas to the political center. So by the Emperor [Inaudible] granddaughters pretty much have the flexibility to marry whomever, you know? I think that's because the process of bringing together the country through these intermarriages was in its own way complete, that's my sense of it. Women - when we talk about women in political it's very hard still even now after I've read all of this and tried to think about it to claim that women were political actors, here and there they were officially, publically like Empress Taytu and [Inaudible]. But it's very hard - so I think what we need to do is reverse the question and look at different ways we can see power being exercised. So it's not are they in official capacities because they're seldom in official capacities, but they were very important influential in the courts, the emperors, I mean even in our recent history. For example [Inaudible] was very, very you know kind of important in Emperor [Inaudible] court. It's not something [Inaudible] she has this office and she's exercising this you know, but decisions you know I see for example now I'm reading [Inaudible] letters, [Inaudible] letters like a big, big book of 600 pages. And you notice who are the women that report into Menilek? I've gone from this place to this place. I've arrived in this place. So that's how you kind of get to bring them into the story, is there were women that were in very close touch with the emperor with the powerful men, and that influence discussions that were happening. So it's a very kind of tenuous thread, but one has to follow that to bring them into relief I think. [ Inaudible Question ] >> Heran Serek-Brhan: So I'll take the last question first. It manifested very much among all Wallo, Gojjam, [Inaudible] a lot of different kinds of ethnic groups. The challenge I think for me, and I'm hoping to publish this. It's been many years and I've been thinking about this, but it feels like now is the right time to do it. But at the end of the day what we can say for sure is that the power elite was a very diverse group. But so what, how does one measure that? What is the outcome of that? What does it do the layering of identity? What does it do for our sense of who are the Ethiopian rulers or even their own sense of themselves? How does one measure that as something that's effective is a question. It's still an outstanding question for me. So, and then to backtrack the marriages definitely there were some that did not work. And I think [Inaudible] daughters marriage to [Inaudible] was very much sort of the last act of trying to create continuity, that just didn't work. So there are times when it fails and it fails miserably. But - and I suspect if we were to push the story even into the current kind of contemporary Ethiopian history that there are stories of intermarriages of these people around power, families around power. I think that still happens as an exercise. Possibly elsewhere too. I mean I don't think it's - this is just for Ethiopia. But the challenges, definitely the ethnic groups intermarried but I know when I questioned in the interviews when I said something like for example I would talk to [Inaudible] you know [Inaudible] or somebody. And I'd say "So did you think about [Inaudible] roots, did you think about his ethnic" that wasn't a consideration. In honesty none of them said that was a consideration. They would say "We would see that he was from a good family". So my sense is its more class than even ethnicity that had any bearing at all. And he was from a good family, [Inaudible] the values were very different and anyone seeking for an ethnic calculation you wouldn't find the answers to it at all, you know. But there was that layering, it was important you know in a sense. Thank you. [ Inaudible ] >> Heran Sereke-Brhan: It's so hard to find documents or anything written really, but you do - at least I can remember for example one example [Inaudible] was married to Ras Mengesha who was very, very active in pleading for her husband's case when her husband was imprisoned. She basically convinced the emperor in the end to let him go. So I think the documentation is hard to find but I think they were very involved. Nothing happened that they were - I mean it was really interesting, even interviewing the women was harder than interviewing the men because they have a really strong sense of history and politics in the past, but if there's a man in the room they'll defer to the man. They won't agree to being interviewed, they'll step away. If you push past that and if you get there - in official positions and so on. They have the knowledge, they have the tact, they have the configuration and the balance. They know all about this but it's really hard to even in that - in the 1990's to get women to talk about it, you know? So that's the challenge. I know they were utilized in this way, they definitely were but how do you get to talk about it and research it is a big challenge. [ Applause ] >> Heran Sereke-Brhan: Thank you so much everybody for coming. >> This has been a presentation of the Library of Congress. Visit us at loc.gov.
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Channel: Library of Congress
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Keywords: Library of Congress
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Length: 68min 45sec (4125 seconds)
Published: Mon Oct 16 2017
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