The man known to history as Emperor Marcus
Aurelius Antoninus was born on the 26th of April 121 AD in the city of Rome, the capital
of the Roman Empire. Born to the praetor Marcus Annius Verus and
Domitia Calvilla during the Pax Romana, a time of relative peace and stability within
the empire. At this time, he was known as Marcus Catilius
Severus, a name originating from his maternal line. His father, part of the Annius clan originating
from Spain, played an active role in the politics of Rome as part of the patrician class and
had attained the rank of praetor. This was a title which conferred administrative
and judicial duties but was below the rank of consul. Marcus was serving as praetor when he died
in 124 AD. Given that he had not yet been appointed to
the rank of consul, which had a minimum age of entry of thirty-two, he died young however
the cause of his death is not recorded. His mother Domitia came from a wealthy patrician
family with a successful political background, her father Calvisius Tullus having served
two terms as consul. Domitia had inherited great wealth from her
mother including a large and successful tile and brickworks on the outskirts of the city,
which continued to see great profits during the “building boom” of Rome and Domitia
never remarried after her husband’s death. Following what had become Roman custom for
the elites, soon after his birth Marcus was given over to the care of a wet nurse, a practice
which was strongly disapproved of by Tacitus, the eminent historian. A year or two after Marcus’ birth, the exact
date is unknown, his mother gave birth to his sister Annia Cornificia Faustina. Marcus was raised by his mother and paternal
grandfather, also named Marcus Annius Verus, who officially adopted the young Marcus. It was because of his grandfather’s ambition
that the Annius clan had been recognised and subsequently admitted to the patrician class
by the emperor Vespasian sometime during his reign of 69 to 79 AD. In his meditations, Marcus would later write
about his grandfather, “From my grandfather Verus: I learned decency and a mild temper”. His early years were spent in the houses of
his parents’ and grandfather on the Caelian hill, one of the seven hills of Rome. A wealthy district which looked north across
the city and was composed of lavish and imposing buildings such as the Lateran Palace and the
barracks of the equites singulares, or imperial horse guards. His maternal great-grandfather, possibly step-great-grandfather
Lucius Catilius Severus was also involved in his upbringing, and it is believed that
Marcus had the greatest contact with him. Although he was cared for by nurses and had
strong male role models, his mother still played a large and influencing role in his
life. It is perhaps from her, a vastly wealthy member
of an old patrician family, that he learned humility from the way that she, despite her
wealth, chose to live simply and without lavish displays, common to the elites of Rome. He would write of her, “From my mother:
I learned piety, generosity, the avoidance of wrongdoing and even the thought of it:
also simplicity of living, well clear of the habits of the rich”. Marcus was a solemn child, and perhaps it
was this solemnity from such a young age that led to his later interest in philosophy and
particularly the branch we know as stoicism. Whilst still a young boy at the age of six
and before the commencement of his formal education, Marcus was enrolled in the order
of the equites by nomination of Emperor Hadrian. This official induction into the order of
the equestrians required qualification by means of wealth but also a further requirement. Under Augustus the order of the senate and
order of the equestrians had been separated by categories of wealth; the order of the
equestrians having a property requirement of 100,000 denarii and the order of the senate
a requirement of 250,000 denarii. But the equestrian order was also further
subdivided by Augustus. Anyone who qualified with the property requirement
of 100,000 denarii could hold the title of eques, but only those granted the equus publicus
by an Emperor could be admitted to the order and hold the title of equites equo publico. Thus, by Hadrian’s actions was Marcus admitted
to the order, although his extreme young age was unusual for admission, it was not unique. When he was old enough to leave the care of
the nurses at the age of seven, Marcus received a varied education, following the elementary
lessons of reading, writing and arithmetic. He received instruction on literature and
elementary Greek language from Euphorian, Latin pronunciation and elocution and possibly
drama from Geminus. At the same time, he was admitted to the priestly
college of the Salii even though he did not meet both requirements which were to be a
member of the patrician class by birth and to have both living parents. Either the formal adoption by his grandfather
or the enrolment by Hadrian superseded the latter requirement and may show special favour
towards Marcus by the emperor. Associated with the worship of Mars, Marcus
would take part in the Salii rituals and ceremonies including involvement in the Quinquatrus or
opening ceremony and Armilustrium or closing ceremony of the campaigning season in March
and October respectively as well as the subsequent processions that accompanied the ceremonies. Marcus rose through the ranks of the priesthood
fulfilling his duties and it was during this time that an omen pertaining to his future
rule is said to have occurred, as when casting their crowns on the banqueting couch of the
god, as was the custom, Marcus’ crown fell on the brow of the god Mars, as if he had
placed it there, whereas the others fell in random places. Marcus’ secondary education at the grammaticus,
would begin at the age of eleven or twelve and he would learn music and geometry from
Andron, grammar from the Greek Alexander of Cotiaeum and Latin from Trosius Aper, Pollio
and Eutychius Proculus. The emperor Hadrian nicknamed him Verissimus
or truest, for his devotion and serious attitude to his studies. A further tutor, Diognetus the painting-master
is likely to have been the first person to introduce philosophy to the young Marcus,
who would again write about him and his influences in his meditations. So influenced was Marcus by this way of thinking
that at twelve years old he was eager to embrace the austere life of a philosopher, adopting
a rough Greek cloak and sleeping on the floor, until his mother intervened and with reluctance
he allowed himself to sleep on skins. At this early stage it appears to be the austere
Cynic philosophy that he attempted to adhere to. At fourteen years old, most likely during
the Liberalia festival in 136 AD Marcus assumed the toga virilis or dress of manhood and became
a man of the empire. Upon receiving the toga virilis he would wear
the plain white toga worn by men and discard the amulet worn about his neck since childhood;
received from his father during the purification ceremony nine days after his birth. Now he would shed the name Catilius Severus
and take his family name of Annius Verus. Taking this step into manhood proclaimed him
as a full citizen, ready to play his part in public life despite his continuing education. A short time after Marcus assumed the toga
virilis, Hadrian, who despite frequently being away from Rome had taken an active interest
in him and expressed his wishes that Marcus be betrothed to Ceionia Fabia, the daughter
of Lucius Ceionius Commodus. Ceionius was a serving consul in 136 AD and
it was likely he, who appointed Marcus as an honorary prefect of Rome during the feriae
Latinae or Latin festival. This festival took place outside of Rome in
Albano and as the consuls had to be present within the city to carry out their administrative
duties, appointing Marcus as prefect to continue these duties would allow the consul to be
absent for the duration of the festival. Despite his age, Marcus conducted himself
very well, in the presence of magistrates and in attendance at Hadrian’s banquets. This newfound connection with Ceionius would
lead to Marcus meeting Apollonius of Chalcedon, former tutor of Ceionius and a leading Stoic
philosopher of the time. Also around this time, Marcus’ sister married
Ummidius Quadratus. Showing an early reflection of his generosity,
when asked by his mother to allow his sister to take part of the inheritance left to him
by his father, Marcus not only agreed but stated that he was happy for her to take it
all and furthermore receive the full share of her mother’s estate so that Annia would
not be poorer than her husband. Marcus, who was obviously not inclined to
greed through the influence of his mother, said he was content with the fortune of his
still living grandfather. In the closing months of 136 AD the fate of
the empire was brought into question when Hadrian suffered a haemorrhage and almost
died, bringing to the fore the matter of succession. With no children, Hadrian was faced with the
issue of choosing an heir to succeed him. He made his choice and officially adopted
Ceionius, renaming him Aelius Caesar. To many this seemed an odd choice and given
Hadrian’s history with Antinous may have appeared based on his personal feelings towards
the man rather than his merit. Years earlier however, in 118 AD Avidius Nigrinus
was executed on Hadrian’s orders for his apparent involvement in a conspiracy to murder
the new Emperor. Had he lived, there is some merit to the idea
that Nigrinus may have become Hadrian’s heir, and as Ceionius had married Nigrinus’
daughter it could be that this was Hadrian’s way of making up for his earlier actions. Although, it is somewhat more plausible that
Hadrian chose Ceionius due to his background and connections, which Marcus with his own
prominent family also enhanced. And so, the matter was settled but not without
bloodshed, as Hadrian ordered those others who had been candidates to be his heir to
commit suicide. Among them Servianus, Hadrian’s ninety year
old brother-in-law and his grandson Pedanius Fuscus Salinator. Although Servianus complied with the request,
he would publicly state his innocence and openly curse Hadrian, saying “May he long
for death but be unable to die” before he ended his own life. However, Ceionius’ succession was not to
be. The senate had expressed their disquiet with
this choice and having made a less than favourable impression from the outset, Hadrian decided
that Ceionius should embark on a tour of military service. Ceionius was dispatched to Carnuntum in the
Danube area with proconsular power over the Pannonian provinces to quell unrest that had
developed within the local tribes, thus restoring their allegiance to Rome. It was a short tour and Ceionius returned
to Rome in the winter of 137 AD, and was due to make a speech to the senate on the first
day of 138 AD but shortly after returning home, he was taken ill and died later the
same day on the 1st of January 138 AD, most likely from tuberculosis. Once again the problem of succession arose
but by this time Servianus’ curse had apparently come to fruition, Hadrian was in ill health
suffering with dropsy, and now once again was forced to deal with the issue that had
originally been settled two years previously. After suffering a disturbing few weeks, he
called a meeting of the consilium on the 24th of January, which was his sixty-second birthday,
to put to rest the issue of succession. Hadrian then named Aurelius Antoninus as his
heir. As a condition of his adoption, Antoninus
would have to adopt Ceionius’ son Lucius and his nephew by marriage Marcus. But as with the adoption of Ceionius, Antoninus’
adoption caused bad feeling. Antoninus lacked experience and seniority
among his contemporaries and his adoption was said to have “caused pain to many”,
including Marcus’ great-grandfather, L. Catilius Severus who had served as consul
alongside Antoninus in 120 AD, but was senior to him in serving his second term. It was found that Severus had his own plans
to secure his place in the succession, he was subsequently removed from office to be
replaced by a noble of little consequence, undistinguished in the political life of Rome. The formal adoption of Antoninus took place
on the 25th of February, alongside the adoptions of Marcus and Lucius. The boys were then known as Marcus Aelius
Aurelius Verus and Lucius Aelius Aurelius Commodus. Antoninus, at the request of Hadrian, betrothed
his daughter Faustina to Lucius, further sealing the familial bonds. Perhaps it was because of his unassuming nature,
lack of greed and early philosophical influences, that when Marcus found he had been adopted
into the imperial family he was said to have been appalled and only with great reluctance
moved from his childhood home on the Caelian to a private house owned by Hadrian. And so it was, that arrangements were made
in the spring for Marcus to step formally into public life when he was appointed to
take the quaestorship for the following year 139 AD, alongside Antoninus who would be consul
for the second time. As an heir, holding office would not have
been unusual but the minimum age to hold the position of quaestor was twenty-four and Marcus
was only seventeen, Hadrian intervened and requested that Marcus was to be exempt from
this law. And yet despite being elevated not only in
the ordinary political sphere but into the imperial family, Marcus was unaffected by
the change and remained the thoughtful and generous young man from his younger years. However, by now Hadrian’s health was failing
and he made numerous attempts to take his own life. As his condition deteriorated, he became violent,
eventually retiring to Baiae on the Campanian coast. Antoninus was left to govern Rome but soon
after travelled to Baiae at the request of Hadrian when he was near to death. Antoninus was by his side when he died on
the 10th of July 138 AD. Immediately following Hadrian’s death, it
was Antoninus’ duty to make the private funeral arrangements. Back in Rome it was left to Marcus to make
the public proclamations announcing the emperor’s death and possibly arrange the public funeral,
as well as to arrange gladiatorial games of his own volition in Hadrian’s honour. His aunt Faustina, on the instruction of the
new emperor Antoninus, put it to Marcus that he should end his betrothal to Ceionia Fabia
and instead consent to be betrothed to the much younger daughter of Antoninus and Faustina,
Faustina the younger. This would require her current betrothal to
Lucius to be dissolved. Marcus consented but they would not be married
until 145 AD due to Faustina’s age. Later in 138 AD, Antoninus would be involved
in a struggle against the senate to have Hadrian deified, although much of the ruling class
was against this, Antoninus was successful in forcing the motion through, thus securing
his own position at the same time. Following the official funeral, he won over
the senate with his actions in commuting many of Hadrian’s final acts, for which he was
said to receive the name Pius, although this name may also have related to his act of entering
the senate while assisting the aged Annius Verus. And so, the job of governing the empire went
on. Antoninus was consul in 139 AD, along with
C. Bruttius Praesens and made some changes within the ruling class but in general the
empire was stable and at peace. Marcus took his position as quaestor as planned,
mainly serving as secretary, and reading the emperor’s letters in the senate when Antoninus
was not present. Antoninus conferred many honours onto the
young Marcus, beginning when he was designated as consul for 140 AD, although still well
short of the usual age requirement for the office, Antoninus was to serve as his colleague. As well as this, he received the appointment
of seviri in the annual parade of knights and by right of his new standing was head
of the equestrian order, the princeps iuventutis. In recognition of his position within the
line of succession his name was changed, until the time of his accession, to Marcus Aelius
Aurelius Verus Caesar. By order of the senate Marcus was also inducted
into the priestly colleges. Although the power of the Caesar was not yet
his, he remained the level-headed young man and would later write, “see that you do
not turn into a Caesar, do not be dipped into the purple dye – for that can happen”. While he was willing to accept the responsibility
of his future office he did not intend to allow this newfound position and power to
change him, a way of thinking that was only reinforced when, in line with his position,
he moved into the House of Tiberius, the imperial palace on the Palatine at the request of Antoninus. Further honours and positions followed but
despite his public life Marcus continued with his education. Marcus had many tutors throughout the years
and it is likely that his oratorical training had begun once he assumed the toga virilis. In Greek he was tutored by Annius Macer, Caninius
Celer and later by Herodes Atticus; in Latin oratory he was tutored by Cornelius Fronto,
although Herodes and Fronto were unlikely to have tutored him before his adoption by
Antoninus. He was also tutored in Law by Lucius Volusius
Maecianus. Philosophy was not omitted from his education
and his earlier tutor, the Stoic Apollonius returned to Rome at the request of Antoninus
to once again tutor Marcus. Although when summoned to the palace he retorted,
“the master ought not to come to the pupil, but the pupil to the master”, and so Marcus
would receive instruction at the home of Apollonius in Rome, although how much of this was related
to philosophy at this time rather than oratory is unclear. In a series of letters between Marcus and
one of his most prominent tutors, Fronto a well-known advocate, he gives the impression
of a young man eager to learn and grateful to his tutor for his instruction and at times,
criticisms, which Marcus readily accepted and determined to learn from. In one letter he expresses anxiety over writing
his speech of thanks to the senate. But he also frequently expressed his affection
for his tutor and felt guilt that Fronto had been caused pain due to his travelling to
Centumcellae from Rome, where Marcus stayed for a time, he was even willing to forego
parts of his studies so as not to cause Fronto further pain. Marcus was a studious boy but equally wasn’t
afraid of hard work. In another letter to Fronto he describes a
day spent gathering grapes and working alongside the men of the vineyards at one of Antoninus’
country estates. But even the serious Marcus allowed himself
a little mischief at times. In a further letter he tells of riding down
a narrow road to be confronted by a flock of sheep blocking the way. A shepherd commented to be aware of the horsemen
as they steal the most, Marcus then spurred on his mount and rode at the sheep who scattered
in all directions. The shepherd threw his crook which missed
Marcus, instead hitting another of his party. In 140 AD he took his position as consul,
and his responsibilities increased. The consulship was a senior position amongst
the ranks of the senate and Marcus, through his duties would take a leading role in helping
to govern Rome. It was here that his education in statecraft
would begin, with Antoninus becoming a great and positive influence on his life, seen later
in his extensive writings on his adoptive father. He was likely present in his role as consul
at discussions concerning trouble in Britain and Dacia, and although not militarily inclined
this experience would have served to educate him in some way on matters of war. During the closing stages of the year the
empress Faustina died, and Marcus was likely involved in preparations for her state funeral
and deification. Marcus’ early exposure to political diplomacy
and studies in philosophy may have served him well when he found that Herodes and Fronto
were to be against one another in a case they were advocating. In correspondence to both men, he made his
case that one should not attack the other’s character even when defending themselves. Fronto agreed in some fashion but pressed
his point that the heinous crime must be dealt with but could be done so without character
assassination. Even including a lesson in the form of a slight
rebuke to Marcus for having dictated the letter rather than writing it himself. Both men, regardless of their feelings towards
one another would take office as consul in 143 AD, although Fronto, as a novus homo or
new man would serve only as suffect consul for the months of July and August. During this time Marcus was once again away
from Rome in Naples. 145 AD saw Marcus become consul for the second
time, once again with Antoninus as his colleague. During this term he would have a hand in dealing
with an uprising in Mauretania and complained to Fronto in a letter about the amount of
correspondence involved. Lucius, Marcus’ adopted brother likely received
the toga virilis earlier that same year though little of his early years are known. In April, Marcus and Faustina were married
and as they were part of the patrician class, the confarreatio ceremony would have been
officiated by Antoninus, and coins bearing the image of the couple were struck in commemoration. Although he was generally always eager to
study by 146 AD Marcus began to tire of certain subjects and would express his dissatisfaction
with some of the later exercises set by Fronto. And so, by around early 147 AD, at twenty-five
years old, Marcus’ formal education would come to an end and his interest in philosophy
would develop further, influenced first by Apollonius but also by Quintus Junius Rusticus,
who was the descendant of a martyr to Domitian’s tyranny. But it was Marcus’ interaction and friendships
with Claudius Severus and Claudius Maximus, amongst others, that alongside philosophic
teachings shaped his own self-development. Another prominent influence was Sextus of
Chaeronea, a teacher of philosophy with no public career. Marcus would continue to attend his lectures,
even as emperor. Each of these men would feature in the first
book of meditations, alongside his other most prominent influences, where Marcus describes
all that he learned from them. But 147 AD would do more for Marcus than allow
him to pursue his growing interest in philosophy, as his first child with Faustina was born
late in that year. She would go on to bear at least another thirteen
children during their marriage, although as was common for the time many would not survive. The day following the birth, Faustina received
the title Augusta and Marcus was given the tribunician power and imperium, and whilst
in the careers of others this may have marked a period of military service such was not
the case for Marcus. Antoninus himself had little experience in
the military abroad and did not consider it necessary for Marcus. Neither Antoninus nor Marcus would undertake
any expeditions during Antoninus’ term as emperor. In 148 AD Rome celebrated its 900th anniversary
with lavish public games laid on by Antoninus. At around the same time in the east, a new
king took the throne of Parthia, which would come to cause trouble for Marcus in his own
reign. The year 149 AD was to mark the start of a
difficult period for Marcus and Faustina, who gave birth to twin sons. Their births were celebrated and the children
were commemorated on the year’s coinage, but by the end of the year both infants had
died and were interred within Hadrian’s mausoleum. Another girl was born the following year. Although Faustina gave birth to several sons
and daughters between 150 and 156 AD, imperial coinage of the latter year depicts only two
surviving daughters. Marcus would suffer a further loss when his
sister died in 152 AD and although the exact date is not recorded, his mother Domitia would
pass sometime after 155 AD. Three further children, a son and two daughters,
would be born between 157 and 160 AD, once again his son wouldn’t survive. Throughout this tumultuous time Marcus maintained
correspondence with Fronto, although in the surviving documents there is no trace of any
mention of his losses. Apollonius had taught him that loss should
be borne and it is with this in mind that During this period, Lucius held his quaestorship
in 153 AD and then the consulship in 154 AD, both before reaching the required minimum
age however, not as early as Marcus had received the honours. The adopted brothers had different personalities,
where Lucius had a love of sports and was described as carefree, with a great love for
gladiatorial spectacles, Marcus was serious and appeared to find such spectacles rather
boring, although there doesn’t seem to have been rivalry between the two. Marcus’ responsibilities likely increased
as Antoninus aged, and in 160 AD he shared the consulship with Lucius, however early
in 161 AD Antoninus died following a short illness. And so, the empire was to pass to Marcus. However, when being confirmed by the senate
he refused to take the emperorship unless Lucius was made joint emperor alongside him,
partly out of obligation to Hadrian but perhaps also so the burden of rule would be shared. The senate agreed. Although Marcus had performed his public role
for many years, he was still not inclined to this way of life but given his education
and his studies of philosophy, despite his reluctance, his sense of duty won out. The adopted brothers ruled jointly, Marcus
held the title of pontifex maximus as the senior emperor, Lucius as pontifex. From then on they would be known as Imperator
Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Imperator Caesar Lucius Aurelius Verus
Augustus. The praetorian guard, the personal bodyguards
of the emperor, could make or unmake a ruler. In 41 AD they’d assassinated Caligula and
so their loyalty to the incoming emperor had to be assured and so following a precedent
set by Claudius, on accession Marcus and Lucius promised the praetorian guard 5000 denarii
each and a higher sum to the officers. This would mark the first time Marcus would
be hailed Imperator together with Lucius, in this case by the praetorians. Marcus would go on to be hailed Imperator
for his future victories by the troops a total of ten times during his reign. Arrangements for Antoninus’ funeral and
deification were made, to no opposition from the senate and his ashes were interred in
the mausoleum of Hadrian. Following the ceremony of deification, Marcus
announced the betrothal of his daughter Lucilla to Lucius, although she was yet too young
to marry. Later in August, Faustina gave birth to another
set of twins, Antoninus and Commodus. However, the early untroubled months of their
reign were not to last. During the latter part of the year, the river
Tiber flooded severely, destroying buildings, drowning a great part of the livestock, causing
famine, and triggering a serious outbreak of malaria within the city. Communities affected by the famine were relieved
by use of the city’s grain supply and resources of the treasury but an earthquake at Cyzicus
put further strain on the imperial finances. The Tiber had a history of flooding but although
discussions were held over the years to better protect the city, nothing was ever seriously
done, Marcus made some effort to rectify this but never fully solved the problem. Coupled with these disasters the eastern fringes
of the empire were now under threat. The Parthian king Vologases IV, who had ascended
during Antoninus’ reign, attacked Armenia, which was under the protection of the empire,
and expelling the ruler installed a member of the Parthian royal family in his place. In his capacity as governor of Cappadocia,
M. Sedatius Severianus led one legion into Armenia but became trapped by the Parthian
general Chosrhoes. He tried to fight but realising he couldn’t
win, he committed suicide, and his legion was massacred. The trouble was not confined to the east however
as war threatened in Britain, and Upper Germany and Raetia had been invaded by the Chatti. Marcus and Lucius had no military experience
on which to base their upcoming decisions in matters of war, an area of their education
that was sorely lacking due to Antoninus. Marcus, understanding the need for knowledgeable
advisors replaced the current ab epistulus with T. Varius Clemens, a man with a long
and varied military career. The reorganisation of key positions continued
and amongst them Statius Priscus replaced the deceased Severianus, who was in turn replaced
in Britain by Sextus Calpurnius Agricola and Fronto’s son-in-law Aufidius Victorinus
was sent to Upper Germany as governor. Three full legions and some detachments were
drawn from the northern frontiers and sent to reinforce those in the east, but Rome suffered
further defeat at the hands of the Parthians with the invasion of Syria. At some point during late 161 to 162 AD the
decision was made that Lucius would go to war, chosen supposedly because he would be
better suited to military activity with his physical robustness, although perhaps also
to build and reform his character. Marcus would remain in Rome, as the empire
still had to be governed. But Lucius wasn’t to go alone, he was to
be accompanied by some of the praetorians and M. Pontius Laelianus Larcius Sabinus,
a man with a distinguished military career, who was appointed comes Augustorum – companion
of the emperors. His experience made him someone that Marcus
could rely on for practical advice in the eastern theatre. Marcus would also send his first cousin M.
Annius Libo who would take the position of governor of Syria and act to oversee Lucius’
behaviour. Lucius set off later in 162 AD, with Marcus
accompanying him for part of the journey, but when Lucius later fell ill, Marcus rushed
to his side. It was thought that Lucius suffered a mild
stroke but recovered and continued with his journey eventually arriving at the Syrian
capital of Antioch. Statius Priscus, in the meantime, arrived
to take command and had some success in Syria and in the taking of Artaxata, the capital
of Armenia in 163 AD. However, he disappears from official chronicles
soon after this and so his fate is uncertain. Finding the war to be a strain Marcus continued
corresponding with Fronto, who in one of his replies reassured Marcus that the fortunes
of war could turn in their favour as they had many times before. On the other hand, Lucius appeared to be enjoying
his experience, not taking an active part in the fighting, he spent much of his time
in resorts on the outskirts of Antioch engaged in frivolous activities. Far from having the reforming effect that
had been hoped he seemed to be making the most of his time away from Rome, going so
far as to take a mistress. However, he would take a leading hand in the
training of troops in Antioch who had grown lazy in the face of years of peace and taking
his role seriously he finally integrated into camp life. Perhaps persuaded by circulating stories of
Lucius’ mistress, Marcus made the decision to bring forward the wedding of his daughter
Lucilla to Lucius in 164 AD. Although still only fourteen, by Roman standards
Lucilla was of marriageable age and so escorted by Marcus to Brundisium, she boarded a ship,
accompanied by M. Vettulenus Civica Barbarus, Lucius’ paternal uncle and set out for Ephesus. Libo had died in the intervening months and
it is likely that Barbarus’ presence may have been intended to keep Lucius’ behaviour
in check. Lucius would meet with Lucilla in Ephesus,
where the wedding was performed, as junior empress, Lucilla took the title of Augusta. It was during this time that the capital of
Armenia, with the country now back under Roman control, was re-sited and built closer to
the borders of Roman territory. Sohaemus, a member of the senate and Arsacid
prince was crowned King of Armenia by Lucius, thus cementing a pro-Roman ruler in place,
and re-establishing the client-state. Despite reluctance on his part, Marcus was
eventually persuaded by Lucius to share in the title of victory Armeniacus. Given his philosophical nature, having taken
no active military role in the Armenian campaign presumably Marcus felt that the title wasn’t
earned by him, rather it was for those who had played their part in the victory. But Marcus did not sit idle in Rome while
others were away fighting, and now his earlier education in Law would stand him in good stead. Evidence remains of his introduction of reforms
to legislation, particularly in the fields of manumission of slaves, appointment of guardians
for orphans and minors and council selection for the provinces. He was instrumental in setting up the use
of Public Registries, held by the prefects of the treasury of Saturn, which would record
the names of free born children in Rome and the provinces. These registries would act as proof of a person’s
status as freeborn should it ever be called into question. He brought the total number of court days
where cases would be heard and judged up to 230 and showed great respect to the senate
by designating them to judge in enquiries, even when he himself had jurisdiction, and
he sought to judge each case fairly. He granted further honours and privileges
to the senate showing deference where many of his predecessors had ignored them relying
more on their military strength to hold their rule. The war with the Parthians continued and in
165 AD they continued to press into Osrhoene, having made some gains in the area during
the earlier part of the campaign, now taking Edessa and restoring the pro-Roman ruler Mannus
to his position. Martius Verus likely pursued the retreating
Parthians east, while Avidius Cassius would lead the advance south. Reaching the twin cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon
on the Tigris, Seleucia opened its gates to the approaching army. Following this, Ctesiphon, the Parthian capital,
was taken and Vologases’ palace burned, although Vologases himself was not captured
and retained his rule as Parthian king. However, despite their welcoming of the army,
Seleucia, originally a Greek city founded almost five centuries before, was destroyed
to the detriment of Cassius’ reputation. And so, with the war virtually at an end Lucius
prepared for the history of it to be written by Fronto, asking for memoranda from both
Cassius and Martius, he also proposed writing his own account. His vanity coming to the fore when he suggested
to Fronto that his achievements could be embellished. Attention would now turn to preparations for
the northern campaigns where unrest continued along the frontier, two new legions were raised
alongside a reorganisation of the governors of the northern provinces. It was during this time in 165 AD that Marcus
suffered the loss of another child, the older twin Antoninus. Perhaps because of her grief over the loss,
it was agreed that Faustina could travel to the east to be with Lucilla who was pregnant
at the time. At the same time Fronto lost first his wife
and shortly thereafter his younger grandson, whom he had not had the chance to meet. Marcus expressed his condolences in a letter
in which he displayed no grief for his own child but said he was deeply upset that his
master should feel such pain. Cassius would return to the east in 166 AD
and press further into the Parthian kingdom advancing through Media and securing more
victories for the empire. Following the conclusion of the Median campaign
Lucius began his journey back to Rome, the legions returned to their places along the
northern frontier and Cassius was installed as the governor of Syria. Fronto would die soon after Lucius’ return
to Rome without having completed the Parthian history. Given the peace of Antoninus’ reign, the
triumph for the Parthian campaign would be the first held in Rome for almost fifty years
and took place in October. Lucius requested that Marcus’ sons Commodus
and Annius Verus received the title of Caesar which was granted and they would ride along
in the processions. Both Marcus and Lucius were given the title
pater patriae (father of the fatherland), Marcus having already been offered the title
previously, deferred acceptance until Lucius had returned to Rome. But the time taken to secure victory in the
east had only delayed dealing with the trouble on the northern frontier. The tribes on the northern fringes of the
frontier had lived peacefully alongside the Romans but increasing pressure from population
movements further from the north was forcing them from their land and now they looked to
resettle in the south, in Roman occupied territory. Initially the invasion, either in late 166
or 167 AD, by the Langobardi and Obii tribes were quelled and envoys were sent, represented
by Ballomarius the king of the Marcomanni to Iallius Bassus, the governor of Upper Pannonia. Peace was made, oaths sworn and the envoys
returned home to their respective tribes. Despite his intentions, Marcus was unable
to leave for the northern frontiers as plague took hold throughout the empire during 167
AD, spread by troops returning from Mesopotamia following the Parthian campaign. Trying to make sense of the plague, theories
abounded, one story held that dread vapours had been released from the temple of Apollo
in Seleucia, another declared the plague to be punishment for the sacking of the city
of Seleucia after they’d proved themselves to be friends of Rome. The disease itself has not been conclusively
identified but its severity cannot be understated, especially within the densely populated city
of Rome and in the army where loss of life was high. Marcus enacted laws concerning the movement
and burial of the dead and the unlawful disturbance of graves for appropriation by another. The building of tombs at villas was also prohibited. Many and varying priests were summoned to
the city to perform foreign religious rites and purify the city to quell public anxiety
but Marcus’ necessary presence in Rome during certain religious ceremonies only delayed
his expedition to the north and situations were once again developing that required attention. Lucius on the other hand, although consul
for the third time in 167 AD, spent much of his time in pleasurable pursuits. He held many banquets at his villa on the
via Clodia, having brought actors with him from Syria and he invited Marcus to attend. Marcus, ever the good brother, accepted, and
with the intention of setting a proper example for Lucius spent his time there engaged in
judicial work. However, the plague caused bad feeling towards
the Christians, with many believing it was a punishment from the gods and those accused
of practicing Christianity were arrested, tried, and executed. Marcus wrote little on the Christians but
in one passage in the meditations postulates that they accept their deaths not as an individual
choice but because they were “trained to die,” a sentiment instilled through their
teachings and at odds with his own philosophic and Roman beliefs surrounding death. This was not the first instance of apparent
persecution of the Christians during Marcus’ reign. His friend Rusticus as prefect, in 165 AD,
was involved in a case that saw Justin tried after accusation by the Cynic Crescens. Justin and five others willingly admitted
to being Christian and were subsequently scourged and beheaded; and so it was that Justin became
a martyr. Peace with the tribes on the northern frontier
wasn’t holding. The Victuali and Marcomanni, whose king had
represented the tribal envoys at the earlier peace talks were still causing trouble amongst
other tribes and had seized the gold mines in Dacia not long after the earlier peace
talks. Knowing the situation required attention,
Marcus and a reluctant Lucius finally set off for the north in the spring of 168 AD,
initially halting in Aquileia where they would stay for a time. Marcus issued orders for more forts to be
built along the frontiers but Lucius was more preoccupied with the good hunting in the area. So, when the news came of a tentative truce
with the tribes Lucius, less than enthusiastic with continuing to the Danube, pressed his
idea of returning to Rome. Marcus refused and they crossed the alps for
a brief visit, staying at Carnuntum before returning to Aquileia. Marcus intended to winter at Aquileia and
continue the Danube campaign the next year but with plague still present Galen, the eminent
doctor, recommended a return to Rome and with Lucius continuing to press him for the same,
he eventually acquiesced, reluctantly agreeing to accompany Lucius back to Rome. But Lucius would not see Rome again, he was
taken ill, possibly another stroke, at Altinum and lingered for three days before dying in
January 169 AD. Rumours surrounding the co-emperor’s death
abounded, even going so far as to accuse Marcus, Faustina, and Lucilla of individual plots
against him but none can be credited. Marcus oversaw the funeral and deification
of Lucius on his return to Rome. By now, because of the war in the east, plague
and the simultaneous raising of legions, Rome was facing a financial crisis, and still more
troops were needed to replace those that had succumbed to the plague and to fill out the
new legions. But this would still require money and so
Marcus, instead of raising taxes held an auction of palace property in which much was sold
to raise funds. To further bolster numbers, former gladiators,
slaves who received their freedom on enlistment and even conscripted bandits were formed into
auxiliary units and mercenaries were hired from within the Germanic tribes, which went
some way to relieving the financial burden of recruiting and fitting out new troops. But all this was still not enough and so the
decision was taken to debase the coinage, common practice when in financial difficulty. Marcus’ departure to the Danube was delayed
further into 169 AD, with him first having to deal with his daughter, Lucius’ widow,
in finding a suitable and unambitious match for her and then he would deal with the death
of another child following an operation to treat a tumour, and so he would leave later
that year. Much of the detail of the Danube campaign
was either not recorded or doesn’t survive, but the initial assault does not appear to
have gone well for the Romans. After the assault failed, the exact date of
which is unknown, the Marcomanni were successful in pushing into Italy making it as far as
Aquileia, raiding settlements on the way, with further invasions by other tribes into
Macedonia, Thrace, and Achaea. Lucilla’s new husband, Claudius Pompeianus
was appointed to deal with these invasions, and took the future short-lived emperor Pertinax
to assist him. Piece by piece, the Germanic tribes were rooted
out of Italy and the invaded northern provinces, until finally at the end of the 171 AD campaigning
season, the Marcomanni would suffer heavy losses when trapped by the army at a river
crossing on the Danube, heavy with spoils. At the same time Baetica on the Iberian Peninsula
was invaded by Moorish rebels, Marcus dispatched Aufidius Victorinus to deal with this incursion,
taking on the governorship of Baetica and Tarraconsis simultaneously. Deprived of the senatorial state of Baetica
by this action, Marcus assigned the senate Sardinia in its place where, after a term
as quaestor in Rome, the future emperor Septimius Severus would serve. Marcus held talks with many of the tribes,
including the Quadi, to isolate those, such as the Marcomanni, who posed the greater threat
to the peace and stability of the frontiers, going so far as to make some alliances. He gave leave for some to settle within the
Italian countryside who would later be expelled following a revolt at Ravenna. And so, in 172 AD, Marcus was finally in a
position to resume the campaign and they crossed the Danube marching into Marcomanni territory. There were wins and losses on both sides but
it is during this part of the campaign that Marcus’ miracles are said to have taken
place. The first held that Marcus summoned a thunderbolt
from the heavens which struck at the enemy. The second is that of the rain miracle. Engaged with the Quadi, who had gone back
on the peace terms by harbouring fleeing Marcomanni, they surrounded the Romans on all sides in
scorching weather, denying them access to water sources and simply waiting for them
to tire before overwhelming them with greater numbers. Unable to retreat, the Romans continued to
fight on despite exhaustion from the heat. Suddenly clouds rolled in and the rain poured
down on them allowing them to quench their thirst and fight on. The miracles would subsequently be depicted
on the column of Marcus Aurelius, which still stands in Rome today. Although Christian writers would later claim
these miracles as the work of their own god, depictions on coins and the column show that
Marcus credits only those deities associated with the Roman pantheon. Marcus gained victory over the Marcomanni
towards the end of 172 AD, a treaty was made and severe restrictions were placed on the
tribe. For the victory Marcus and his son Commodus,
who was likely with him at the time, received the title Germanicus. Despite these successes there was still trouble
in other parts of the empire. A rebellion had started in Egypt and Avidius
Cassius was dispatched from Syria to deal with it, while in Armenia, Sohaemus had been
deposed, P. Martius Verus the governor of Cappadocia was sent to reinstall him as the
pro-Roman ruler and Tiridates, thought to be the cause of the trouble in Armenia was
exiled to Britain. Marcus had intended to return to Rome in 173
AD but the war continued against the Quadi and other, smaller tribes, mainly in a series
of smaller skirmishes. The previous treaty with the Quadi had been
made with their pro-Roman ruler who was expelled in favour of Ariogaesus, who was hostile to
the Romans. Marcus refused to recognise him, refusing
to renew the defunct treaty and placed a bounty on him, dead or alive. However, like Tiridates, following his capture,
Ariogaesus was exiled to Alexandria. The war progressed, now against the Sarmatian
Jazyges, when they attempted to sue for peace in 174 AD Marcus refused, however little more
is known of this part of the campaign. Despite his presence on the front, Marcus
continued with his judicial duties when time allowed, having always taken his duties in
this regard seriously. However, it seems at this point that he may
have been suffering from an ulcer, being described by Dio as suffering from a chest and stomach
condition. To alleviate this, he was prescribed a theriac
or antidote by Galen which is thought to have contained opium. There is some suggestion that he may have
become addicted, as from Galen’s writings he describes periods when Marcus would stop
taking the antidote as it caused drowsiness but would then be unable to sleep and would
have to start taking it again. However, it is not suggested that he became
a helpless addict like some others known to history. Throughout this time, Marcus would appoint
many lesser qualified men, in terms of wealth and experience, to roles within the senate
and military command owing to the shortage of such prominent men from death during the
plague and subsequent campaigns. He is also said to have made several pronouncements
on public matters including continuation of public games in his absence and the abolition
of mixed bathing. It was in the final ten years of his life
that Marcus Aurelius started work on what is perhaps his most famous and lasting legacy,
his Meditations. A series of 12 books of his own writings on
the philosophy of stoicism, which is the branch of philosophy that emphasises positive emotion
and reduces reliance on negative emotion thus developing character in the process. The Meditations are a collection of musings
and reflections on his time both campaigning and administering his posts, they were written
in Greek and were intended for his own use and for his own self-development. Throughout his writings, Marcus would set
himself seemingly unattainable goals by today’s standards and would analyse the triviality,
callousness and transience of everyday life and of other people, yet remaining dedicated
to his duties. Some have suggested that the imagery and themes
in his Meditations may have been due to the medication he took for the treatment of an
ulcer, although there is no proof of this. Indeed, his Meditations have been considered
by some as one of the greatest works ever written although they were not original philosophical
works as such, as they were based, on the tenets of stoicism. One theme that emerges in the meditations
is that of self-analysis and questioning, as well as the adherence to ethics and the
maintaining of focus in the face of distractions. Another theme is the promotion of rationality
to allow oneself to live in harmony with the logos or order in the world and to treat both
triumph and disaster as neither good nor bad in themselves. In 175 AD the Sarmatian campaign continued,
with the goal of enrolling the territories of the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Sarmatians as
provinces of the empire. However, it was now that Marcus would face
a challenge for the emperorship from a man he had previously trusted to take care of
affairs in the east. Having suppressed the “Herdsmen” or the
brigands of the Nile delta who had risen against the Romans, Avidius Cassius declared himself
Emperor. There is some speculation that he believed
Marcus to be dead, although this hasn’t been conclusively proven and may well have
just been a convenient front for his actions. Rumours would also abound of Marcus’ wife’s
involvement in this plot. Cassius was recognised as emperor at the city
of Oxyrhynchos, Egypt. Known as the breadbasket of the Empire, Egypt
was one of the most important Roman provinces, Augustus had previously decreed that those
of senatorial rank must obtain permission to even enter the country, and as such, support
for Avidius here could have seriously threatened Marcus’ rule. He was declared a public enemy of the senate,
which provoked fear that he may invade Rome, taking his revenge for their declaration. Marcus took steps to avoid this by sending
a force to protect the city and summoned Commodus who had returned to Rome part way through
the Danube campaign. Marcus kept his hold over the army, praising
the virtues of loyalty to his men. He also took the opportunity to have Commodus
raised to princeps iuventutis, confirming him as heir. Marcus prepared to make the journey east,
but Cassius’ time as pretender would last only three months as he was killed by one
of his own soldiers. Still feeling that his presence in the east
was necessary he hurriedly concluded a peace with the Jazyges, without consulting the senate
and sent 5,500 of the contributed Sarmatian cavalry to Britain. They set off for the east, and it was during
this journey, while in Cappadocia, that Faustina died. Despite his writings on grief, he was greatly
distressed by her death and renamed the village where she died as Faustinopolis, she was deified
by the senate, perhaps going some way to cement her reputation against the various stories,
including those of multiple affairs, that had circulated about her life. Marcus eventually arrived in Egypt although
the date is unrecorded but again was merciful. Having allowed the surviving son of Cassius
to take exile, he pronounced the same punishment on the prefect Calvisius Statianus, who had
likely given his support to Cassius with little choice and he dealt moderately with Alexandria,
the city which was firmly behind Cassius. After dealing with Egypt, Marcus continued
his tour of the east, stopping in Athens where both he and Commodus were initiated into the
mystery cults of Demeter and Persephone. They would return to Rome late in 176 AD. Marcus would now grant his son imperium, allowing
him to take part in the triumph and would have him excused from the lex annalis so that
at fifteen years old he could hold the consulship in 177 AD making him the youngest consul up
to that date. Perhaps seeing an opportunity Ceionia Fabia,
Marcus’ former betrothed, offered herself in marriage to him. Marcus refused but took a mistress, despite
the feelings he conveyed about his grandfather’s mistress from his childhood in the meditations. Soon after his return he fell ill, once again
being treated by Galen but it appeared at this time not to be a serious malady, as Galen
pronounced him to be suffering with a stomach upset and Marcus was well enough to take part
in the triumph in December. His triumphal arch granted by the senate does
not survive. After taking his consulship, later in 177
AD Commodus would be granted the name Augustus and become co-ruler with his father. Although there was still fighting going on
in 177 AD, Marcus remained in Rome, returning to his judicial and administrative responsibilities. As well as dealing with trials, Marcus spent
time reforming laws again including those on slavery, and the provision of gladiatorial
games, to relieve the burden on the upper classes who were required to fund them. Trained gladiators now commanded a high price
since they were in short supply following many being co-opted into the army. To remedy the high price of putting on these
spectacles, Marcus allowed the use of condemned criminals as gladiators in the provinces. It was also during 177 AD that the persecutions
of the Christians resulting in the martyrs of Lyon, took place. Accused Christians were sent to the arena
for execution by ordeal. One of the accused was a Roman citizen and
was removed until such time as the emperor decided on the fate of citizens found to be
Christian. It appears that Marcus kept to the rule that
should they recant their faith they would be released, otherwise, as being a Christian
was considered a capital crime, those who refused were to be beheaded. The dead Christians would be denied burial
as it was an important aspect of their faith and were later burned. There has been some suggestion that this persecution
may have come about through manipulation of Marcus’ gladiatorial reform however, this
cannot be conclusively proven. There were other troubles that Marcus had
to contend with outside of Rome. The Moors, although earlier beaten back had
once again invaded Iberia, and as with earlier in his reign, another natural disaster occurred,
this time at Smyrna, where an earthquake devastated the city. With the finances of the empire recovering,
Marcus granted assistance to the city to help with rebuilding. But again, the situation on the northern frontiers
was the main cause for concern and Marcus decided to go north once again, taking Commodus
with him. After bringing forward the wedding of Commodus
to Bruttia Crispina they left Rome in August 178 AD. Gains were made against the Quadi and Marcomanni
in 179 AD. Roman soldiers garrisoned parts of their territory
and kept up pressure which caused the Quadi to break and retreat north but they were prevented
from crossing into the Semnone territory. They would winter on the frontier but as the
campaign season was about to begin in March, Marcus fell ill and died seven days later
aged fifty-eight on the 17th of March 180 AD, likely near Sirmium. There is some speculation that he may have
died from plague but his exact cause of death is unknown. Credited as the last of the five good emperors,
for his just and fair rule, Marcus faced many trials during his reign. But despite his initial reluctance to assume
the emperorship, having long been prepared for the role, his sense of duty prevailed
and he did not shy away from the task. He would do much for the reforming of Rome’s
laws and was instrumental in enacting new legislation that benefited much of the populace,
including slaves and was generous in helping those that were the victims of the numerous
natural disasters that occurred during his reign. He was humble in his dealings with the senate,
as few of his predecessors had been, and with his lack of practical military knowledge,
he allowed himself to be advised in matters of war by those with experience. Despite expansionist ideals towards the end
of his reign, which would go unrealised, his active military service was first and foremost
to protect the empire, which he did at times to cost to himself. Merciful to his enemies, where others would
pursue their deaths to the last, Marcus was not afraid to take to the field when required,
despite his lack of military training. But he was just as willing to wield diplomacy
as he was a sword. Although he wouldn’t begin writing his meditations
until the last decade of his life and had not intended on publishing them, they allow
us to glimpse the mind of an emperor, and although he did not openly declare himself
a Stoic, he upheld many of the ideals through his everyday actions and exemplary morals. Regarded as one of the most famous and important
philosophical works in history, the meditations of Marcus Aurelius are not only valuable and
insightful in their meaning, but provide us with a rare glimpse into the mind of one of
Rome’s most capable and famous emperors, indeed it is evident from the complexity of
the meditations, that Marcus Aurelius was a man of immense intellect and wisdom, which
goes a long way to explain both his success as an Emperor and reputation amongst his peers. An example of a quote from the Meditations
is this: If thou art pained by any external thing, it is not this that disturbs thee,
but thy own judgment about it. And it is in thy power to wipe out this judgment
now. In no way can he be viewed as cruel or tyrannical
as some of his predecessors were and yet under his rule the persecution of Christians continued. Although not directly sanctioned by Marcus,
he played no part in their prevention either, upholding the law of Christianity as a capital
crime, clearly with no intention to include it in his reforms. His death would ultimately signal the end
of the Pax Romana and Rome’s golden age. Successive emperors, although some would try,
would fail to hold up to his ideals, including his own son and successor, Commodus. What do you think of Marcus Aurelius? Was he a just and fair ruler whose actions
did much to improve the lot of everyday Romans or can he be criticised for his continued
persecution of Christians despite his apparent mercy to enemies. Please let us know in the comment section
and in the meantime thank you very much for watching.
