ANDREW DESSLER: All right,
so I talked a lot about why climate change concerns me. And I like to begin
with this plot. This is something
of an iconic plot. And it shows the temperature
of the last 150 years measured by thermometers on the surface. And this is year on this axis
running for the last 120 years. And temperature anomaly, which
is the departure from the mean. And what it shows is that
temperature's been going up. It's been going
up by about 0.74. And there's some
error bar, of course. There's uncertainty. Now, if this was all
we had, you would have to be very skeptical. [MICROPHONE FEEDBACK] Wait, am I doing something? What? Oh, really. All right. Let me switch to-- is that better? Ah, it was the clicker. That's weird. All right, I've never
run into that before. All right, so this is
the important point. If this was the
only thing we had, there are lots of ways
these data could go bad. And so what scientists
do is we look for what's called
coherence, or concilience. Lots of different words for it. We want to find lots of data
that are independent that tell you exactly the same thing. So if you ask the question,
why are scientists so confident the Earth is warming, it's
because we have lots of data. We have surface thermometers. They show the
temperature's warming. We have satellites. You can measure temperature
from a satellite. That shows the Earth is warming. Glaciers are melting,
sea ice is receding. We know ice melts reliably
at 32 degrees Fahrenheit. So with a warmer planet,
you expect to see less ice. And indeed, we do. Ocean temperatures-- we're
not talking about the surface. That's including the
surface thermometer record. We're talking about
the temperature the bulk of the ocean. That's going up. And finally, sea level's rising. And the best part
about this is this creates this really
integrated system. It all fits together perfectly. So for example, glaciers-- so glaciers are receding,
or glaciers are melting. And that water is
running into the ocean. That's causing sea
level to go up. In addition, ocean
temperatures are increasing. And when ocean
temperatures increase, water, like most
things, expands. And that causes sea
levels to go up. And so it all fits together. It's this coherence of data. And even if any one of
these data sets is wrong, it really wouldn't
affect your confidence, because we have so
much other data that suggests it's warming. And because of this, the IPCC
calls this unequivocal, which means essentially beyond doubt. And so for example,
Professor Lindzen, who'll be talking after me, he
wrote in a Wall Street Journal op ed, there is general
support for the assertion that global average
temperature anomaly has increased about
1.5 degrees Fahrenheit since the middle of
the 19th century. So essentially,
nobody argues this. And again, I don't want to
waste too much time on this. I want to get to the
interesting thing. But the key thing to look
at is look for coherence. Look for lots of evidence
supporting a point. And you'll clearly
see why scientists are so convinced that the
mainstream view of climate science is right. So the real question
I want to address here is this question of, how
much does carbon dioxide warm the climate? This is really the key question. And it's not a question
of, does carbon dioxide warm the climate? I think Professor Lindzen
and I will agree it does. It's a question of magnitude,
a question of how much it warms the climate. And what we're going
to talk about here is this question of
climate sensitivity. That's often referred to
as climate sensitivity. And we're going to use a
standard measure, which is how much warming
would occur if we doubled carbon dioxide, OK? And so we're going to
go through the math. And we're going to do a
very simple calculation that indicates that we
might be screwed. [LAUGHTER] All right, so I'm going to
start off with an equation that I suspect Professor
Lindzen will also show you. So there's really no
debate about this. And this is a-- I use this slide
at presentations at NASA headquarters,
so you know it can't be very complicated. [LAUGHTER] And so, OK, so Tf, which
is the final temperature, this is how much warming you get
if you double carbon dioxide. Now, Ti is how much
warming you get if you add carbon dioxide to the
atmosphere and nothing changed. So no change in clouds. No change in humidity
of the atmosphere. No change in ice. No change in the
lapse rate, which is the temperature structure. Everything remains fixed. And so let's go to the source,
Dick Lindzen's Wall Street Journal op ed, it is
generally accepted that a doubling
of carbon dioxide will only produce a change
of about 2 degrees Fahrenheit if all else is held constant. And again, that's
that term right there. So we can convert 2 degrees
Fahrenheit to 1.2 degrees Celsius. And we know what this
term is right here. Now, the key part of this is
if all else is held constant. Now, it turns out that all
else is not held constant. And the things that change
are this f right here. And that stands for feedbacks. So let's talk about
what a feedback is, and what this does
to the problem. All right, so start
off with, let's say you add some carbon
dioxide to the atmosphere. Now, Professor
Lindzen and I agree that if you did
nothing else, that would give you about a degree,
1.2 degrees of warming. But other things do change. So we know, for
example, and I'll show you some data
showing this in a second, that as the surface warms, the
atmosphere becomes more humid. Now, water itself
is a greenhouse gas. So the increase in humidity
causes additional warming. And that additional warming
causes more humidity. And that causes more warming. So you have this
infinite loop that goes. Now, a lot of people
think because the loop is infinite it has
to imply a runaway, that the warming
has to be infinite. That's not right. If you remember back to
probably ninth grade math, you can have
infinite series that converge on a finite number. And that's essentially
what's happening here. So you get additional warming
from this water vapor feedback. Now, let's go back
to our equation. And what you see here is that
if f is greater than zero, then this number is less than 1. And you're dividing by
a number smaller than 1, and the final
temperature is greater than the initial temperature. And we call that
positive feedback, where these processes
are amplifying the warming for carbon dioxide. And if f is less than
zero, then this number is less than this number, and
you get a negative feedback. And that means that the
feedbacks tend to damp out, damp out the effect. All right, so let's go to-- let's look at what f is
in a little more detail. So we can essentially
write f, which is the total feedback, as
the sum of various feedbacks that are operating. So this first one
is water vapor. That's was wv stands for. And that's the one
I just talked about. As the Earth warms, the
atmosphere holds more water. And that gives you
additional warming. And so you'll hear
a lot of people say, if you read the blogs, that
there's no evidence for this. It's just assumed by the
models, or it's hypothetical. In fact, that was
true 20 years ago. But we now have data. And so let me show
you some data that I think is actually quite clear. All right, so this
axis is temperature, surface temperature. And that's the black line. And this is surface
temperature-- this is of the tropics. And there's a reason for
that, which I can explain if someone's really curious. As you can see, the
temperature in the tropics over the last eight years
has been going up and down. These are mainly ENSO
events, El Nino, La Nina. So there's a big La
Nina event right here. And you can pick out
other little events. And the temperature
goes up and down. The red line is water vapor. And this is measured
by a satellite. That's one of the red lines. The other red line is what
we call a reanalysis system. And I won't go into
the details of that. But feel free to
ask me if you want. And what this shows, in fact,
there's even a little lag. This is the time
scale for water vapor. This is the time
scale for temperature. You see the water vapor actually
even lags the temperature by a few weeks, which shows
that water vapor is reacting to surface temperature. Surface temperature
changes, then water vapor. You see, the water vapor
follows the surface temperature exactly. I mean, this is really-- next time a skeptic tells you
that the water vapor feedback doesn't exist, or it's
purely hypothetical, you have a decision whether
you can believe them or you can believe
your own eyes. It's quite clear that water
vapor follows temperature. Now, we can then put this into a
radiative transfer calculation, because we know the
spectroscopy of water vapor very well, just like we know the
spectroscopy of carbon dioxide. And-- I won't go into that. So you can get a
number in these units, in the units appropriate
for the equation I gave you, of about 0.6. And so we can fill in
the first term, 0.6. And what we're
going to do now is we're going to go fill in
all the rest of the terms, and we'll see what
we end up getting. All right, now, I'm not
going to go into great detail about the other two. Let me go back for a second. So this is the
lapse rate feedback. It's a negative
feedback that simply reflects the fact that a warmer
atmosphere radiates energy more. If you took physics, you might
remember sigma t to the fourth. So that's essentially what
the lapse rate feedback says. The ice albedo feedback
is ia, and that simply reflects the fact
that if you melt ice, ice is very reflective, so as
ice on the planet goes away, the planet actually absorbs
more solar radiation. And that's a positive feedback. And so we can actually
put terms on this. And again, these
are based on data. You can estimate these
from satellite data. And this is a negative feedback. It offsets about half of
the water vapor feedback. And then the ice albedo feedback
is a small positive feedback. It's big in the
Arctic, but the Arctic doesn't cover a huge
region of the globe. So when you average globally,
the ice albedo feedback is not terribly important. So we get to the cloud feedback. And in many
respects, this may be where Professor Lindzen and
I disagree most vehemently, on the cloud feedback. So let's talk about clouds. And I'll give you a little
primer about clouds. OK, so there's a little
puffy trade cumulus maybe. And clouds do two
things to our climate. The first thing clouds do is
they reflect solar photons back to space. So that orange beam
is some sunlight comes in, hits the
cloud, and goes back out. And that effect tends
to cool the climate. So in that way, clouds cool. But at the same time, clouds
absorb infrared radiation emitted by the
surface, upwelling, that would escape to space. And because clouds are colder-- remember sigma t to the fourth-- clouds emit less radiation. And so they also tend to warm. And the net impact of
clouds is the difference between these two
counteracting effects. Now, in today's atmosphere,
clouds tend to cool. So clouds are cooling by about
20 watts per square meter. So it's actually
quite a big amount. But don't get confused,
the elementary grad student mistake of confusing the
magnitude of the function of its derivative. Just because they
cool now does not mean that the derivative of
the function is also cooling. And in fact, as
the climate warms, we really don't know
what's going to happen. Do clouds cool more? That would imply a
negative feedback. Or do clouds cool less? That would imply a
positive feedback. So as before, let's
go to the data. Let's see what the data tell us. And this is some work
I've recently done. And this is-- so on
this axis right here is how much energy clouds trap. And this comes from measurements
of an instrument called CERES, which is flying on
the NASA Terra satellite. And also use some
reanalysis data. And this is global average
surface temperature anomaly. So these are anomalies,
deviations from average. If you average all this
data, it'd be zero zero. And what you end up seeing
is, first off, there's no strong trend in this. So you don't see clouds
actually changing a whole lot as the climate warms. Yeah, so the number doesn't
actually seem to change. But we can do better than that. You can look with your
eye, but people who do, [INAUDIBLE] by eye
in science, typically get what they deserve. So let's do some
statistics on this. And we can put a best
fit line through this. And you get a value about 0.15. And these are the two
sigma uncertainties. And you can do statistics. You can say there's
an 80% chance that the slope through
this is positive. So what this means
is that it is-- borrowing the
parlance of the IPCC, these data suggest it
is likely that the cloud feedback is positive. And again, our best bet is 0.15. So if we go back to our
equation, we can plug 0.15 in. But before we do that, let's-- actually, in the
interest of time, I'm going to skip
ahead a little bit. All right. So we'll go here. So here's our
climate sensitivity. Here's the value
we just derived. So you add these numbers
up, you get this. And we'll plug this
into our equation. And what do we get for a
doubling of carbon dioxide? 2.7 degrees Celsius. And if you add some
uncertainty, as I pointed out, there's a lot of uncertainty in
the cloud feedback I derived. And if you put that
uncertainty in, you pretty much get the
canonical IPCC range of if you double carbon dioxide,
you get 4.5 degrees of warming. Now, one point I want to make. This was not derived
from a model. This was derived from data. And I'll come back to
that point repeatedly. So get used to it. But the other point I want to
make is, if this is all we had, we wouldn't have
great confidence. Again, scientists
look for concilience. We want to look for all-- we
want to look for lots of data that support what we
think is happening. So let's go to the ice ages. Ice Age is another great
example of climate change. And so here's our
favorite equation. And we know a few things
about the Ice Age. First of all, we
know the ice ages were about five degrees
colder, maybe five to eight. But five in the context of this
calculation is conservative. And we know how the ice
ages were different. There were big ice sheets. And the ice sheets tended to
reflect sunlight back to space. If you averaged
that over the globe, the ice sheets reflected about 3
and 1/2 watts per square meter. We know there were
less greenhouse gases in the atmosphere at
the last glacial maximum. And those allowed
about 2.6 watts per square meter of energy
to be radiated to space. We know the planet was drier
and that it was dustier. And these aerosols also
reflect sunlight back to space. And so we know what
we-- these are what are called climate forcings. And we know what the
climate forcings were. And so we can
calculate what ti is. If there are no feedbacks,
we know the forcings and there are no feedbacks,
it's trivial to calculate what the temperature
change would have been. All you have to do is know
the specter of the atmosphere. And we know that. We know the specter of the
constituency atmosphere extremely well. And so you have two-- these two are know. You can solve for f. And you get 0.58. And if you remember, we
got 0.55 for the last one. And in climate change,
that's identical. So the ice ages feature the
same climate sensitivity as we derived from the
last 10 years of data. But let's go further. Two points isn't enough. We need lots of data
to confirm this. So let's go back. Let's look at the last
420 million years. Now, it is difficult,
but you can infer how carbon dioxide varied
over the last half billion years. Similarly, you can infer
how temperature varied. And if you do that, you
see temperature and CO2 are generally correlated. Now, there are obviously
other things going on. Continents are moving. Asteroids are
hitting the planet. Volcanoes are going off. So carbon dioxide's not the
only thing driving climate. But carbon dioxide and
climate are associated. In times when carbon dioxide is
very low, you usually have ice. When carbon dioxide
is very high, you usually don't have ice. And so you can use
these data, and they infer that climate sensitivity
greater than 1.5 degrees C has probably been a robust
feature of the Earth's climate system over the past
420 million years. Now, I actually could go
on, believe it or not, and show you more
examples of data that show that
climate sensitivity is in the canonical range
of two to four degrees. But in the interest of time,
I won't continue to go on. But instead, let me go to
another question, which is how much warming are
we going to experience? Because at some level, no one
really cares about the past. You're interested in climate
change for the future. And so let's go through
a quick calculation that doesn't require climate models. So we have an
estimate of what we think climate sensitivity is. And again, there's a mountain
of data to support this. Given carbon dioxide reaching
500 to 900 parts per million this century--
it's about 390 now. So we know carbon dioxide is
approximately going to double, maybe come close to tripling. And also given that other
greenhouse gases are also increasing-- we know methane,
methane's sort of flat, but other greenhouse
gases are also increasing. Ozone is certainly increasing,
tropospheric ozone, things like that. We can therefore expect several
degrees Celsius warming, OK? And again, this is not
a model calculation. This is based on data, and an
estimate of how much carbon dioxide is going to go up. Now, this happens to
agree with models. And this, by the way,
is why I believe models. Not because I have some
religious belief in models, but because the models
agree with the data. I believe in data first. Models come second. But the models look good. If you compare the
models to the data, and all the things I've looked
at-- and I won't show any slides, but perhaps I
will in my rebuttal-- the models look great. Models do quite a good
job of simulating things. Now, it's not to say you
can't find some statistic where the models don't do well. That's pretty easy. So this is interesting. I did some googling on
Professor Lindzen before this, and I found this
interesting thing to see, what has he said about warming? And I thought this was
kind of interesting. So this is about betting
on climate change. And apparently, Professor
Lindzen said at one point that he'd be willing to bet
that it was cooling in 20 years. And it turns out that when-- I mean, anybody
would take that bet. I would bet anybody that's
going to be warmer in 20 years than it is now. And so a blogger
contacted Lindzen. It would only take 50 to
1 odds that temperatures are going down. So he obviously agrees,
temperatures are going up. And that's consistent--
I should point out, that's completely
consistent with his view that carbon dioxide
warms the planet. So there's really no
disagreement there between the two of us. What I though was interesting
was the magnitude. So Professor Lindzen
offered an alternative bet, which was that if the warming
over the next 20 years was less than 0.2
degrees, he would win. If the warming was greater than
0.4 degrees, he would lose. And there'd be no payout
for warming from 0.2 to 0.4. And he wanted 2 to 1 odds. So this was twice
as likely as that. And when I saw that
I was sort of struck. I say, what do the
IPCC models show? And that's basically what it is. So apparently, at least
when that was written, he was unwilling to put
any money on the fact that the IPCC models were
overestimating climate change. And so perhaps there's
less disagreement between the two of
us on future warming. Maybe the disagreement
lies elsewhere. I'd be interested
to see his talk. OK, and again, I will
say again, 2 to 1 odds, which means he views
warming up here to be twice as likely
as warming down here. All right, so let me tell
you about why I'm concerned. So I've shown you data
about the warming is. Now, concern is fundamentally
a moral judgment. But let me give you
some idea of why I think we should
be very concerned about warming of a few degrees. And you're probably
sitting there and saying, a few degrees, who cares? Doesn't sound like a lot. But this is a really
interesting plot. And these are model runs. And the different colors show
a range of model predictions. You can see the
models pretty much agree with our back of
the envelope calculation. I predicted a few
degrees of warming. And sure enough, you
see the models predict a few degrees of warming. And this shows what
the historical record. And I know there's
a lot of debate. This is going out. I'm not having good
luck with AV equipment. Is there another-- oh, wait. All right. There's debate down here about-- can I borrow [INAUDIBLE]. I'm just trying to
get the laser pointer. Maybe it's-- I can
see the laser point-- [LAUGHTER] This is just not-- yeah, [INAUDIBLE]. I'm having technical difficulty. But the point I want
to bring is this. See this period right here? This is a period called
the Little Ice Age. Little Ice Age is about one
degree cooler than it is now. Now, I think about
that for a moment. One degree doesn't
sound like much, but one degree cooling
is enough to make the Earth go into a region that
people refer to as a Little Ice Age. Your intuition about
what's a big change, which is based on global conditions,
one degree of change here doesn't change much. But in the global average,
one degree is a huge change. And if you cool the
planet by one degree, you enter a Little Ice Age. Now, another thing is this is
about the amount of warming we've had since the last Ice
Age, about five or six degrees. Now, think about how
different the planet was during the last Ice Age. And that was only five,
six, seven degrees cooler than it is now. So you have to look at
temperature increases of a few degrees very seriously. If we have warmings of, say,
three or four or five degrees, it's going to be a
different planet. We're not going to be
living on the same planet. And you might say you
don't care about that. Well, that's a moral
value judgment. And I can't argue with that. But I do care about that. And that's why I'm concerned. Oh, the other thing I'll
just say very quickly, it's kind of funny to see how
people look at climate change before and after. So this is a quote
from Vladimir Putin. "Russia is a northern country,
and if temperatures get warmer, it's not that bad. We could spend less
on warm coats." And yeah, you think about it. Global warming, great. It's like you think barbecues
and go to the beach. But in reality, things
aren't that bad. This is after the heat
wave they had this summer. Practically
everything is burning. The weather is anomalously hot. What's happening with the
planet's climate right now needs to be a wake
up call to all of us. Climate change is not
all fun and games. It's not short
sleeves and barbecues. It's drought. It's forest fire. I looked up the weather
forecast for Moscow during this, and the forecast was smoke. I've never seen that. I mean, think about that. Smoke, that's what
climate change is. It's not great things. So where's Susan? How much time do I have. OK, good. Perfect. All right. So I want to talk a little
bit about skeptical science, because you can't understand
the debate unless you understand the context of this. Now, this is a memo
that was written by some cog at Brown and
Williamson in the late '60s. "Doubt is our product." It says, "the best
way of competing with a body of fact
that exists in the mind of the general public. It is also the best way of
establishing a controversy." And you think about all
the memos that are written. I'm quite certain the person
that wrote this at the time didn't realize that there'd
be books written on it. Merchants of Doubt,
quite an excellent book. Doubt is Their Product. And it's completely
established through the release of tobacco documents. They knew cigarettes
were killing people. They absolutely knew it. In fact, they knew it before the
surgeon general had proven it. And yet they embarked on a
policy of debating the science to produce doubt. That was their strategy. And so let me give you an
example of what the tobacco strategy would look like. So when it comes to tobacco,
the facts aren't all in. Science can't tell us how
cigarettes cause cancer. They can't give
us the mechanism. They can't tell you how
many cigarettes you need to smoke before you get cancer. They can't tell you
why some smokers get lung cancer and
others don't, and why some nonsmokers get cancer. Think of all these
things we don't know. How can you possibly try to link
cigarettes with health impacts when you can't tell me
any of those things? You don't know the mechanism. You have nothing. And the answer is that
by focusing on things we don't know, you
obscure what we do know. And even though
these are all true, I don't know how many
cigarettes you have to smoke before you get cancer. I don't know why some
people don't get cancer and other people do. But I do know that
if you smoke cancer, you increase your chance
of getting these diseases. And so this doubt strategy
is incredibly effective. And this is funny
so I'll go over it. I saw in the New York Times
the tanning, Indoor Tanning Association, tried to
adopt the doubt strategy. Tanning cause-- and this
is the New York Times. "Tanning causes
melanoma-- hype." And they go on to say,
"recent research indicates the benefits of modern
exposure to sunlight outweigh the hypothetical risks. Surprisingly, there's no
compelling scientific evidence that tanning causes melanoma." And you know, this is wrong. But again, they're trying to
introduce reasonable doubt. And it's time to
rethink sunbathing. Find out more at
sunlightscam.com. And a few months ago, I was
trying to update my slides. So I went to sunlightscam.com
and it was gone. And so I did some googling. And every once in a
while the universe metes out some well
deserved justice. And this was one case. Indoor Tanning
Association settles FTC charges that it deceived
consumers about skin cancer risk from tanning. So doubt is their product. And you see this in tobacco. You see this in tobacco
with secondhand smoke. You see this an ozone depletion. You see this in acid rain. I'm the parent of
two five-year-olds, so I'm very familiar with
debates over vaccine. If you listen to the
debates about people who say you shouldn't
get your kids vaccinated, it's the doubt agenda. Tanning beds, quite ridiculous. And now climate change. And so let's go
through what I mean-- OK, great. I'm on time. Let me go through
what I mean when I talk about the uncertainty
agenda or the doubt agenda when it's applied
to climate change. So I googled Professor Johnston,
and I found this document he'd written, "Global Warming
Advocacy Science, A Cross Examination." And I just want to
highlight a few points. A, what do we really know
about global mean surface temperatures? And can we really be so sure
about the reported warming trends? And then you go
to the next page. C, the existence of significant
alternative explanations for 20th century warming. So what he's arguing is that
the climate's not warming and the warming is natural. And this is what a lawyer does. And a lawyer, a defense lawyer,
does not look for coherence. They don't want to look
for an argument that completely makes sense. Instead, they're trying
to make lots of arguments, because a defense lawyer's
product is reasonable doubt. It's exactly the same strategy
that tobacco companies use. And that's essentially
what's being involved here. And I give Professor
Johnston credit. He didn't try to hide this. He calls this a
cross examination. When a lawyer
cross-examines people, he's not looking for
both sides of story. He wants the person to say
what the lawyer wants to hear. And so this is-- climate change skepticism
as it's generally practiced is one of the defense
attorney agenda, one of doubt is their product. And so I don't know
what Professor Lindzen's going to say. His arguments tend to be
better than most skeptics. But during my rebuttal,
I'll try to bring up points that I think support this. All right, so let
me just finally-- I'll sum up the following. Elements that should
provoke suspicion. All right, so you're
going to hear a lot-- when we talk to a skeptic, you hear
a lot about model bashing. Models don't do this. Models don't do that. Well, let me show you. I didn't talk about
models in my talk. Maybe I mention
them once or twice. But it's data. Data is what carries the day. And data is why
scientists believe climate change is an issue. Alarmists, elitists,
and Al Gore. Anybody who talks about
alarmists, elitists, or Al Gore is not interested in
a serious discussion. You're essentially
using rhetorical tools to try to paint your opponent
as biased or confused. And that's not-- when I hear
that, I kind of turn off. Conspiracies, people that
invoke conspiracy theories, what that really means is nobody
believes what they're saying. And the conspiracy
theory's there to explain why nobody agrees with them. So if somebody walks into a room
and says gravity doesn't work, a bunch of physicists
will laugh at them. So they have to generate a
conspiracy theory about why they're being laughed at. And so when people invoke
conspiracy theories, like scientists are just
chasing grant money, I mean, there's no evidence for that. I mean, I'd like to see some
evidence that that's actually the case. And there isn't any evidence
because it's a conspiracy. So you know, citing
natural variability without a mechanism. Natural variability is
not magic pixie dust. There is a physical mechanism
for every climate change. And you have to
determine what that is. And so people that say
natural variability, but they don't cite
a mechanism, you should view them
very suspiciously. Not cause for alarm-- this
is not a scientific argument. It's a value judgment. And absolute uncertainty,
no error bars. The IPCC is very upfront
about the uncertainty. And you can say you don't
agree with how they do it. But for example, the iconic
statement that the warming is 90%. We're 90% sure
it's due to humans. It has 90% in it. I mean, so there's a 10% chance
that maybe the warming is not due to humans. And so, you can argue that,
but at least they do that. Skeptics rarely
give you error bars. They believe what they say. And so I'll be interested to
hear in Professor Lindzen's talk if he's willing to
give some uncertainty. How sure is he that he's right? And if he's not, if he's
100% certain he's right, that's suspicious. And so I'll sum up there. I'll save nine minutes
for my rebuttal. Thank you. [APPLAUSE] RICHARD LINDZEN: OK, thank you. Pleasure being here. I'm going to stay here so
I can see at least what my slides say. But I think I'll stick to
the format of only casually responding to guilt
by association and so on, and leave
it to you to decide. And I'll give my
own view of how you approach science in this issue. What I've come to
realize is most people, including policy
makers, don't actually know what the debate is about. We'll see. A number of the points that
Andrew referred to, as he said, there's no general
disagreement on. But it's equally true they are
not germane to the concerns that you have. And that's-- I'll try and
clarify that in this talk. You know, Andy was on
both sides of this, but I think some of you
may be surprised to hear that the debate is not
about whether it is warming or not, or even
about whether man is contributing some portion
of whatever is happening. And here we agree. The issue is how much. And is it a matter, or should
it be a matter of concern? Now, unfortunately, a
lot of the confusion is not simply the
lay public's fault, but it is the
fault of scientists who have made it sound as though
the question is, is it warming or not? And so people, without
looking at the data, or looking at the
scale, use that as a basis for their decision. Here are a couple of statements. And again, Andy has covered
some of this ground. A doubling of CO2 by itself
only gives limited warming. All models project more
warming because they require a positive feedback. This is something
Andy went over. That is required in order
to produce more warming. Now, let me clarify something. Positive and negative
feedback is not a statement of cooling or warming. A positive feedback
takes whatever change you're trying to impose
on the system and amplifies it. A negative feedback
resists change. It happens to be the case that
most well-designed systems, including your body
temperature, are characterized by negative feedback so they
maintain a certain stability. The second thing
is, if one assumes all warming over
the past century is due to greenhouse
forces, then the derived sensitivity
to a doubling of CO2 is less than a degree. The way you make models
consistent, consilient, or whatever phrase
Andy wishes to use, with the positive
feedbacks, is by introducing other negative force
things, like aerosols, which are fundamentally unknown. And the people who are
the experts in aerosols-- Schwartz and
[? Rhoda ?] and so on-- recently written
on this thing that allows for virtually any
range of temperatures to be consistent. Given the above-- and here I
will use the word alarming, because one has to distinguish
between small and large changes. They may be personal choices. But that its settled
science should be offensive to any
sentient individual. And that despite the
fact that this is not emphasized by the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. I agree with Andy on the
notion that models are not our only tool. Even if it were
true, it would depend on the models being objective
and not arbitrarily adjusted. They are. However, models are
not our only tool. One good thing that
models do is show why they get results they
get, through sometimes it's hard to dig through. And the reasons involve
physical processes that can be
independently assessed by both observations
and basic theory. And here I would
differ with Andy. I think many of the
results are suggesting that the models are
exaggerating warming, trying to show some of these results. Even without the
scientific breakdown, there are reasons why-- and here it's interesting
that come to rather different conclusions from Andy on this-- why you should be suspicious
about the presentation of the [? lie. ?] First of all, the claim
of incontrovertibility is far more suspicious
than the claim of doubt. Arguing from authority is
commonplace in this field. And obviously, you should
look at the scientific data and reasoning, and
even elementary logic. More to the point, and this is
something Andy did not stress, the use of the term
"global warming" is generally done without either
definition or quantification. We'll come back to that. Andy touched on
this, but I think it pays to have a better
idea of what's going on. There is also
something that Andy did in terms of consistency. Many of the phenomena
he referred to, including ice, glaciers,
and so on, the Moscow fires, are complex phenomena
having many, many causes. To identify phenomena
with multiple causes with global warming, or even
as proof of global warming should be ab initio suspicious. And certainly, again,
something you've seen many times, the conflation
of the existence of climate change, which after all is
unquestionable-- it's always occurred-- with anthropogenic
climate change is, of course, misleading. There are some salient points. By definition, nothing in
science is incontrovertible. And especially in a primitive
and complex field like climate. Incontrovertibility
belongs to religion, where it's referred to as dogma. The value of authority in a
primitive and politicized field like climate is
of dubious value. Said this already. Respect to the last item,
however, the situation may not be as
difficult as it sounds. You do have a way, as
layman, of checking science. So for instance, this
letter appeared last spring in Science. And it was signed by 250
members of the National Academy. Most of the signers had no
background in climate science. There were the usual suspects,
Paul Ehrlich, the late Steve Snyder, George Woodwell John
Kennedy, John Schellnhuber. But a few were indeed active
contributors to the science. Now, here are two
of the assertions. Of course, you can't
read this letter here. But let's focus on
these assertions. Natural causes
always play a role in changing Earth's
climate, but are now being overwhelmed by
human induced changes. And warming the
planet will cause many other climatic
patterns to change at speeds unprecedented
in modern times, including increasing rates of
sea level rise and alterations of the hydrologic cycle. Now, one of the signers was a
colleague of mine, Carl Wunsch. And here's what he
said in a recent paper in Journal of Climate,
and repeated just a week ago in the departmental lecture. The syntax is, of course,
convoluted, as it usually is. "It remains possible
that the database is insufficient to
compute mean sea level trends with the accuracy
necessary to discuss the impact of global
warming, as disappointing as this conclusion may be." And so when you hear anyone
speak about sea level rise accelerating,
doing anything else, there's no basis for it in
the current measurements. They are sets which cannot
be directly compared. But all I'm saying
to you is, if you go to the scientific literature
and look at it carefully, you often see that the
authoritative assertions are no more credible
than the pathetic picture of the polar bear
that accompanied the letter. Now, global warming, what is it? What are we talking about? It actually refers to a fairly
obscure statistical quantity, globally average
temperature anomaly. What this is is you
take a given station. You have a time
series of temperature, let's say annual mean. You take, let's say, 1950 to
1980, following that average. Look at the deviation from
that average each year, and just the deviations
at each station. And then average the deviation. Now, it's a quantity
that is hardly causal of climate change. So you have to be very careful
when somebody says, look, this major ice age occurred,
and there was only five degrees change in this quantity. This quantity is
a small residual. It's not a force [INAUDIBLE]. But when you come
to look at it, it depends on ENSO and Pacific
decadal oscillation. It depends very much on the
fact that the climate system is never in equilibrium. The oceans are always carrying
heat to and from the surface. Where it's below
the surface, it's not affecting the
surface budget directly. And so the surface is
out of equilibrium. And so you do have ENSO. You do have Pacific
decadal oscillation. Andy's statement that you
have to find a cause for it is nonsense. Of course, we know
numerous causes, and we speak about them in
the normal phenomenology. But it's the fact
that it's small and the error bars
are large that means the quantity
can be readily abused. Now, the last time
somebody actually showed what was done
was around 1990. It was a fellow named
Stan [? Groch. ?] It was the Lawrence
Livermore Laboratory. And what he showed
here were the points that go into this quantity,
namely the temperature anomaly at individual stations. It's the average of these
as a function of time that is the graph of
temperatures that Andy showed. Now, what are you
supposed to look at when you look at the graph? Well, I suppose the
first thing to look at are the coordinate
absence, right? You don't do what the newspapers
do to the stock reports. Whether it went up 5
points or 1,000 points, it always looks the same. So the scale here is each
unit is 2 degrees centigrade. And what you're seeing is
fundamentally, on this scale, there are roughly
as many stations that have negative
anomalies each year as positive anomolies. [INAUDIBLE] dense
coverage of that. And indeed, when you average
these, it confirms that. You get a little noisy line
that is hovering around zero. Now, how did that
become the graph that Andy showed that
you've seen many times? Very easy. Unfortunately. Oh, my gosh. What's happened here
to the graphics? I'm afraid it's a
little bit puzzling. What was done-- I'll have
to describe it by words-- is you change the intervals
on this graph from two degrees to 2/10 of a degree. You stretch this graph out,
as the stock reports do, so that it now looks
more significant. And then you get the
graph that you were shown. And with its tenths
of a degree change instead of the normal variance,
which is about two degrees. Ah, here it is. If you look here, and
again, I am wondering, do I have anything here? No, this doesn't show the
point-- oh yeah, here. Use the pointer. So here you have
the usual picture. But if you look, this
is minus 0.2 and 0.2. This is 2 and 2. OK, so to give you
a sense of this, this is something that appears
in The Boston Globe every day. What they show is
the temperature. I don't know how much
of this is visible. It's not bad, OK. You have the blue bars. And they show for each day
the high and low temperature for the day. You then have the
dark gray center, which is the average
high and low for the day. Then you have the light gray
bars, which are much bigger. They go from the record high
to the record low for the day. And what you see is,
of course, there's an increase in temperature. After all, you're going from
winter to summer, since April. And if you look at
the record highs, they come from
all over the past. And the record lows as well. In this case, the
record low was 1909, the record high was 1974 for the
day that they published this. And then you have that
red line in the middle. Just for perspective, the
thickness of the red line represents the range of
global mean temperature anomaly over the past century. So that's in the perspective
of your experience. The only reason I
mention that is people readily say, I agree
the Earth is warming. And you may, and you may
have good reason for it. But it can't be a
personal experience, because your personal
experience is huge compared to the scale of
the change [INAUDIBLE].. OK, so the claim that the
Earth has been warming and there is a
greenhouse effect, and that man's activities
have contributed to warming, are in fact, trivially
true statements. They are not argued. They're basically-- and
they also have nothing to do with the policy issue of
whether we should be worried, regardless of how you feel that. They are nonetheless,
as you know, frequently trotted out as evidence
in support of treating it as an alarming issue. The issues that are essential,
and here, one of them we agree on, one has not
been mentioned much, the magnitude of the
warming you expect and the relationship of
warming of any magnitude to various projected
catastrophes that are presented. Now, when you get to the
catastrophic pictures, forest fires, those sorts of
problems and so on, you're guilty of what
sometimes is referred to as the prosecutor's policy. And what that confuses
is the near certainty that if A shoots B, there
will be evidence of gunpowder on A's hand, with the assertion
that if C has evidence of gunpowder on his hands,
then C shot B. Clearly, the second does not follow. With global warming,
the line of argument with many of these events,
including sea ice and so on, is even sillier. It amounts to something
like-- and I have said this in the Wall Street Journal
article some time ago-- if A kicked up some
dirt leaving an indent in the ground into
which a rock fell, and B tripped on
this rock and bumped into C, who was carrying
a carton of eggs which fell and broke, then if
some broken eggs were found, it showed that A had
kicked up some dirt. Which would be bad
enough in terms of logic, but these days,
we go even further and decide the best way
to prevent broken eggs is to ban dirt completely. Now, there are some
problems with the science. Andy keeps referring to data. And this is a field where
the data is really hard. And I'll show you some examples
where we can be absolutely confident the data is wrong. Data is not a gold
standard in this field. It's not like going to the
National Bureau of Standards or NIST, as it's now
called, and looking at some precise measurement. Their measurements
are fairly sloppy. You would not have from
climategate various biases dealing with
temperature anomalies. I found this in some ways to
be a complicated ethical issue, because small temperature
changes are not abnormal. And they claim changes are
consistent with low climate sensitivity. But the public has
been misled to believe that whether it's
warming or cooling is a matter of vital importance. So tilting the record is not so
much important to the science but to the public perception. Also, there's a
tendency in this field to hear the word
validation used. A lot of data is being analyzed
with the aim of supporting rather than testing models. And that's certainly
been my experience serving on the IPCC and the
National Climate Assessment Program. It's also evident
in recent scandals concerning Himalayan glaciers. All right, here's
an example of where I know the data, something
in the data, is wrong. And that's a little
bit surprising. But again, it shows there
are ways of doing that. So for instance,
there is one thing that is well understood
in tropical meteorology. It's dominated by convention. And the temperature
tends to have to be approximately
following something called the moist adiabat. It's a particular
temperature distribution. It doesn't have to be
exactly, but it's roughly. And one consequence
that is robust is all temperature changes have
to be about two to three times larger at-- let me just point to this if
I can find the pointer again-- in what is called
the upper troposphere than they are at the surface. What these four pictures
are are four climate models that, in fact, show this. And in this sense, the
models have to be correct. They show different
sensitivity, but they all show this hot spot. The hot spot is not a sign
of greenhouse warming. It is a property, a
basic physical property, of the moist adiabat. The trouble with it is
that the observations here, and this is trends as
a function of altitude are shown by the
solid line, and they don't show the surface
warming much less than the upper troposphere. The only thing one
can say from this is basic physics that
is widely accepted says that either this
data must be wrong, or this data must be
wrong, or both are wrong. But we know something is
wrong with this picture. If it turns out this data,
the upper part, is correct, then it says that
the surface trend, this is basically since 1979,
has to be reduced [INAUDIBLE].. Now, you say, can that happen? There's ample reason
to believe it can, because there are all sorts
of corrections applied, and all sorts of scandals,
and all sorts of other things going on. But the data itself is
not something rock solid. As Andy and I agree,
sensitivity is a crucial issue. And as he said, it refers to
what you expect in equilibrium from the doubling of CO2. It's terribly important
to say in equilibrium, because the more
sensitive your climate is, the longer it takes
to reach equilibrium. By the time you get to some of
these really large outliers, it takes centuries. The problem with
using paleo data is it assumes you know what
caused the climate change. And it is certainly
not, in the case of the last glacial maximum,
a change in the global mean. It is the Milankovitch
orbital hypothesis that doesn't operate
by changing the mean. It operates by
changing the insulation at high latitudes in summer,
with very little change to the mean. In any event, you
also can't test models by comparing models with models. They're not basic physics. We can skip this. These are statements that the
IPCC claims are authoritative. They have been endorsed
by national academies and numerous
professional societies. But again, you have to look at
these endorsements [INAUDIBLE].. Here's a recent letter
signed by the presidents of both the Royal Society
and the National Academy of Sciences. I think it tells you a lot
about the current state of the science. Again, you can look
at it at your leisure if you wanted, but let's
focus on a few sentences. The first one is, "however,
as your editorial"-- and it's responding to an editorial
in the Financial Times-- "acknowledges, neither
recent controversies nor the recent cold weather
negate the consensus among scientists something
unprecedented is now happening. The concentration of carbon
dioxide in the atmosphere is rising, and climate
change is occurring, both due to human actions." Note that this statement
seems to go well beyond the IPCC
statement that claim that only more than
half the temperature change over the
preceding 50 years could be attributed
to man's emissions, with aerosols included,
in order to cancel much of the excess warming
the models produce. Moreover, the assumptions
underlying this claim, namely that the
models adequately dealt with natural
internal variability, have been shown to be false. They say they acknowledge
that they did not properly handle long term phenomena,
like ENSO, Pacific decadal oscillation, and
the Atlantic multi-decadal oscillation. And the assumption
that they had was crucial to their conclusion. Of course, one could
carefully parse that sentence from Rees and Cicerone. Perhaps what they meant is there
was increasing CO2 due to man. That there was
warming due to this, though it might only be a
small part of the already small observed warming. If this is what they
meant, then the statement is trivial and suggests
no basis for law. However, there is no doubt
that this is not what they intended the reader to infer. They then continued,
"uncertainties in the future rate of this
rise, stemming largely from feedback effects on
water vapor in clouds, are topics of current research." Who would guess from
this throwaway comment that feedbacks are
a critical issue. Without strong
positive feedbacks, there would be no cause for
alarm and no need for action. What Rees and Cicerone
are actually saying is that we don't know
if there is a problem. A third statement they
made is, "our academies will provide the
scientific backdrop for the political
and business leaders who must create
effective policies to steer the world toward
a low carbon economy." Rees and Cicerone are
saying that regardless of the evidence, the
answer is predetermined. If governments want
carbon control, that is the answer the
academies will provide. And I would argue that
nothing could better epitomize the notion of science
in the service of politics, something that, unfortunately,
has characterized so-called climate science. Where do we go from here? Now, I would suggest
that since this has become a quasi-religious
issue, it's hard to tell. My personal hope is
that we'll return to normative science and try to
understand how climate actually behaves. Certainly, one step in this
is our present approach of dealing with climate
is completely specified by a single number, globally
averaged surface temperature anomaly, that is forced
by another single number, atmospheric CO2
levels, for example, but it could be
solar output as well. Clearly limits
real understanding. So does the replacement of
theory by model simulation. In point of fact, there has
been progress along these lines. And I would suggest
none of it demonstrates a prominent role for CO2. It's been possible to account
for the cycle of ice ages simply with orbital variations. It was so thought to be the case
before global warming began. Tests of sensitivity independent
of the assumption that warming is due to CO2, which is
a circular assumption, show sensitivities
lower that models show. The resolution of the
early faint sun paradox, which could not be resolved
by greenhouse gases, is readily resolved by clouds
acting as negative feedbacks, and rendered impossible to solve
if you have positive feedbacks. We don't have time
to go through this, and it would be tough even for
grad students, but let's begin. Let's see what we mean by
the feedback [? systems. ?] If you have a system
that is unperturbed, then you have a balance between
incoming solar radiation and outgoing thermal radiation. If you then add
greenhouse gases, and look at it before it has
time to re-equilibrate, what you will see is that
the greenhouse gases limit the outgoing radiation,
because they admitted the colder temperatures. And so in order to
reestablish balance, the climate system must warm. If you have feedbacks,
then on top of this, you will have additional
feedback greenhouse absorption from, let's say,
water vapor or clouds. And they interact
with each other, so you can't really look
at them independently, because the water
vapor feedback only works where you have clear sky. Then you get the less radiation. So the idea is, let's
look at space and see, for temperature perturbation,
how does the outgoing radiation respond? If you find that
you get more out, more cooling per given increase
in temperature than you'd expect from zero feedback, then
you have negative feedbacks. If you see less, you
have positive feedbacks. Now here, Andy showed something. And this is this
diagram, so I'll skip it. You can compare this
with observations. But the crucial
thing here is when Andy showed his radiation from
CERES and the trend analysis, he did not look
at lags and leads. Much of the outgoing
radiation comes from things like volcanoes,
what I call non-feedback cloud variations and so on. So you have to
emphasize the lags, and separate lags from
leads [INAUDIBLE].. When you do that, there is an
unambiguous negative feedback. And this is shown
by the red lines. When you look at the models
for the same temperature, they unambiguously produce
positive feedbacks. But the situation is
a bit worse than that. And you can see this here. When you look at the
data for the models, and the models have all
sorts of cloud variations that are not feedbacks,
you get values for the sensitivity
that, in many cases, don't look like what
you get from running the models for a long time. For instance, here the IPCC
reports essentially 2.3. We get from the model 22.4. The thing to
remember is when you take the uncertainty in
the radiation budget, even in the models,
the range that you have at the 90%
confidence levels ranges all over the place. This is not true for
the observations. For the observations,
the uncertainties leave even when you include
the error bars, the sensitivity tightly constrained. The reason is this equation. This equation is
a funny equation. You notice what happens
when f equals 1. Can anyone tell me what is the
answer to this when f equals 1? I'm not asking you, Andy. [LAUGHTER] [INAUDIBLE] Tell me. No, infinite. Infinite, OK? Now, that's the tricky
part about this. Because it's saying when
you have positive feedbacks, and you're starting
out, as Andy says, around here, you add a little
bit and you're up here. Add a little bit more
and you're out of sight. And so it's always
extremely uncertain. If you have negative
feedbacks, then you're in this part of the graph. And it's tightly constrained. In other words,
it's the existence of positive feedbacks in models
that leads to the uncertainty. Now, recently there has
been an observation. And again, data is data subject
to all sorts of uncertainties. But when one is talking
about forcing of climate, one is considering the flux
of heat or radiated forcing. Now the thing
about this flux is, at the top of the atmosphere,
viewed from space, the flux is in the
form of radiant energy, infrared flux, visible flux. But as you go down
in the atmosphere, although the flux remains
reasonably constant-- that's what one means
by non-diverging-- what makes up the flux changes. So at the surface, the
main component of the flux is evaporation, which is
called the latent heat flux. That is to say,
when you evaporate, that is a change of state. It evolves energy. Now, some scientists,
Wentz, et al, were looking at
something that's commonly been reported, that
the models show much less change
in precipitation when the temperature changes
than nature seems to. And precipitation
and evaporation should be equal over
reasonably short time spans. So Wentz was
actually thinking how to produce something more
dramatic for climate, wanted to say that maybe
the models should be showing much bigger rainfall changes. But he was ignoring the fact
that this is a flux of heat. And in point of fact,
what Wentz was doing, he was giving a
rough measurement of time and sensitivity. Sensitivity is a ratio of
flux to temperature change. Let me do that more carefully. Let's call ec the change of
evaporation with temperature. And he uses units of
percent change per degree. Now, let's call cf
the radiative forcing due to a doubling
of carbon dioxide. That's 3.6 watts
per meter squared. Let's call fl the
heat flux associated with ec, a percent change. And that's 0.8 watts per
meter squared per percent change in evaporation. As a result, the
climate sensitivity will be cf divided by fl. So what Wentz et al
found was with models, evaporation changed between
1% and 3% per degree, depending on the model he used. For the observations,
the evaporation, as confirmed by precipitation--
they were independently studied with satellites-- gave you about 5.7%
change per degree. If you calculate
the sensitivity, you get the model 1
and 1/2 to 4 and 1/2. For observed, you get 0.8. Moreover, you can consider,
if you read the subsidiary material that Wentz
supplied for his paper, that 0.8 is almost
certainly an overestimate for the sensitivity, because as
Wentz openly acknowledges, when the observations differ
too far from the models, he threw out the observations. OK, we can discuss some of the
other points perhaps later. I mean, glaciers and
sea level, so on, ocean are cases where, for
instance, sea ice in the summer depends on wind more
so than temperature. One can go over all this
corroborative evidence that Andy mentioned. And you'll see it quickly
either falls away. But we can leave that to Q&A. I
mentioned the early faint sun. I don't know if any of you
know what this paradox is, but just in case
you're wondering about climate
sensitivity, the sun is the star which
brightens with time. A few billion years
ago, the solar output was almost certainly 20%
less than it is today. Remember, doubling CO2 is a 2%
in the radiated [INAUDIBLE].. So here we have 20%. Most models would say the
Earth would be frozen solid with that change. 10 times bigger
than doubling CO2. And yet, the geological evidence
is the Earth was not frozen, and temperatures were not
noticeably different from today's. There have been 30
years of attempts to resolve this
paradox by asking for CO2 or methane, other
gases, and none of them have [INAUDIBLE]. What we recently showed is that,
whether it's the right answer or not, it's perfectly
possible for cloud changes to compensate for 20%. At any rate, you
now have some idea why I think there won't be
much warming due to CO2. And without significant
warming, it's impossible to tie
catastrophes to such warming. I would even suggest that if
you had significant warming, it would still be
extremely difficult to make the connection
[INAUDIBLE] catastrophes. Thank you. [APPLAUSE] SPEAKER 1: I know some people
have class at 1 o'clock, and so if you do, don't feel
awkward about needing to leave. ANDREW DESSLER: Thanks a lot. It turns out when I was
doing debate in high school, I was really good at flow
charting people's arguments. I've apparently lost that. My notes are a mess. But obviously, I can't
respond to everything he said. There are a lot of
points we agree on. And there are a few
points we don't. So I think I'll go
just over a few points that I think maybe a different
interpretation is in order. First, I just want
to say one thing. I was quite shocked
when Professor Lindzen said that he didn't think
data was the gold standard. I mean, if you say you
don't believe models, and you say you don't believe
data, what do you believe? And to some extent, I think a
nuanced version of what he said is correct. You don't believe
every data set, because some data are wrong. What you look for, again, is
you look for lots of data sets that agree. And if all the data
shows the same thing, you can be pretty
sure that's right. Now, if the data don't
show the same thing, then you've got a problem. And then you have
to decide which data set you believe or not. And hopefully, I'll have
time to get to that, although I'm not sure I will. The other thing I want
to say before I start to get into some
detailed critiques is this question about
no cause for alarm, Professor Lindzen
repeatedly said that. And I think it's
important to recognize, that's a value judgment. That's not a
scientific judgment. And before the lecture,
he was smoking. And so that's a risk. He's decided that that's a
risk he's willing to take. But not everybody
would take that risk. And so-- [CLEARS THROAT]
I'm losing my voice. When he says that there's
no cause for concern, he's giving you his
value judgment on that. OK, so I want to
get to a few points. Let me find the slides. Let's start off with-- sorry about that. It's a lot harder to
prepare for a rebuttal than it is to prepare
for your actual talk. Let's start off with the work
he showed that the climate models were overestimating. He actually didn't spend a
lot of time talking about it. But it's basically this paper. And I know he's revised it. I have not seen the revision. So I have to talk about this. But this is a paper
that he published in GRL about a year ago. And it was picked up. You probably saw it on Fox News
or the Wall Street Journal. And basically, it's
the argument that he gave very briefly that
the climate sensitivity is very low. And there are a couple
of problems with this. This work has been
severely criticized in the peer reviewed literature. So the first thing is it only
looked at the region from 20 north to 20 south. And it turns out that clouds are
important at all latitudes, not just 20 north, 20 south. In fact, you cannot,
I would argue, infer a climate sensitivity
by looking at 20 north to 20 south. So my analysis
included all latitudes. It was a global average. I mean, there may be a
few degrees at the pole where the satellite
doesn't go over. But not many. I'll skip this plot. All right, and this
has been very-- this has been criticized. This is a paper that came out by
Dan Murphy at the Aeronomy Lab. And he basically said, the
analysis of Lindzen and Choi erroneously applies global
concepts to a limited region. I guarantee if I had
published a paper that looked at 20 north
to 20 south, he would be all over me about that. That's irresponsible. That's not science,
blah, blah, blah. Secondly, if you
look at the details-- this is actually a slide from
a talk he gave not long ago. He talked about lags. And he said I didn't
take lags into account. And the way Professor Lindzen
takes lags into account is-- can you see that. All right, I have
to go like this-- is he looks at periods of
time, so periods of warming. So this time series. This is surface temperature. And this is a period of warming. Here's a period of cooling. Here's a period of warming. He takes these changes
and uses them at a unit in order to get around lags. And what you notice
if you blow this-- RICHARD LINDZEN: The
paper is not [INAUDIBLE].. ANDREW DESSLER: All right. OK, so-- no, no. All right, this is a
plot from his analysis. And it shows that he used-- I mean, I probably
am explaining it differently than he
would explain it, but this is what's in the paper. And so it looks at these
temperature increases and it looks at
temperature decreases. Temperature increases are
red and temperature decreases are blue. And if you read
the paper, it says, we want to look for places where
the temperature's increasing or decreasing by more
than 0.2 degrees Kelvin. And we're going to
look at it as a unit. And that's in the paper. I've got a PDF on my computer. I'm sure he does. Now, if you blow it up, you see
some really odd things in it. You see what look like some
really arbitrary choices. So for example, he doesn't
include that temperature increase. RICHARD LINDZEN: [INAUDIBLE]. ANDREW DESSLER: Yeah, you
talked about Lindzen and Choi. You said as corrected by-- RICHARD LINDZEN: [INAUDIBLE]. ANDREW DESSLER: Well,
it's not published yet. RICHARD LINDZEN: I
do have [INAUDIBLE].. I showed you what was done. ANDREW DESSLER: All right. I'm going to explain, though,
why people don't believe this. And this is
published literature. RICHARD LINDZEN: [INAUDIBLE]. ANDREW DESSLER: All right. Well, I think it's
important, though, for people to see the criticisms. Just because you've
corrected them, why did you publish
this in the first place? This is obviously wrong. And people have to
see why it's wrong. Look-- RICHARD LINDZEN: [INAUDIBLE]
to acknowledge it. ANDREW DESSLER: But I
mean, this is obvious. Look, why did you pick the
warming to stop right there? Can you explain that? RICHARD LINDZEN: Very easily. But the paper's come
out [INAUDIBLE].. ANDREW DESSLER: Well, they
picked a lot of places that you can't
figure out why they picked the results they did. So here, why did
they not extend that? And I'll go over this quickly. Apparently Professor
Lindzen disagrees with me presenting this. But this is published. This is work he's done. And this is why people
don't believe his work. You see it where it
goes over the top there. Now, why would you do that? You see here, it doesn't
quite go to the top. And right here-- and so
basically, what they've done is, imagine you have some data. And you have a model that
goes through the data. But what you do is you go
through and you pick the data you want, and then you basically
throw out all the other data. And then you say, well,
the models are wrong. And I'm not the one--
and this is published. I mean, you could say,
well you're attacking him. But this is actually in the
peer reviewed literature. And let me quote what
Kevin Trenberth wrote. "As shown here, the approach
taken by LC09 is flawed and its results are
seriously in error. Their choice of dates
has distorted the results and underscored the defective
nature in their analysis." And I apologize if this
sounds harsh, but you know, science is hard. And people look at
this and they say, he's thrown out the
data that doesn't agree with what he wants. And I have another
example of that, actually. So you say, OK, well,
that's one example. But let's go on and talk about
the hot spot stuff he showed. Yeah, I could find it. Oh, I see the problem. All right. And, of course, I can't find it. Oh, wait. Am I using up all my time? Probably. So he talked about-- I'll just say, he's
talked about the hot spot. And what's important
to recognize is that there are actually
several data sets. There are several data sets
that you can use to determine the tropical upper troposphere. And it is true, the satellite
and the balloon data show less warming in the upper
troposphere than expected. But regardless of what's
warming the surface, we agree that the upper
atmosphere should warm faster. It should follow what
we call a moist adiabat. And if you're a grad student
in atmospheric sciences, you will derive that. And he talked about basically-- I think he should one data
set, which is a balloon data. And the balloon data agree
with the satellite data. But there's another data set
where that people used wind data to infer the temperature. And that's a
straightforward analysis. And that's this paper
by Alan Sherwood. And they show that
warming patterns are consistent with
model predictions. So you have this thing. We have three data sets. You have the satellites and
you have two different balloon radiosonde data sets. And they don't give
you the same answer. Now, Professor Lindzen
didn't mention this data set. But it's equally valid. And again, if you're
a defense attorney, you don't show data which
disagrees with your hypothesis. And the key thing here
is we don't really know what the trends in
the upper troposphere are. The satellite data are
plagued with problems. There's no question about that. And future science
will resolve this. All right, I will end there. [APPLAUSE] RICHARD LINDZEN: Yeah, I
feel that you were finally reduced to a personal
attack rather than work, on the business. There were numerous
criticisms made of the paper by myself and Choi. And we realized that many
of them were correct. And we spent a year
correcting everything, because we knew most
of those changes, as Trenberth had pointed
out, would not lead to terribly different answers. And so virtually everything
you said has been corrected. And the answers that
I presented here are specifically from
the corrected work. The use of tropics
primarily is perfectly OK if you share the
effect with others. And there may be
still other feedbacks. But they establish a
particular feedback. With respect to the hotspot, I
hope you understand something that Andy said, because it's
a very problematic issue in this field. Whenever you have a disagreement
between model predictions and data, you can be absolutely
confident in this field that there will be somebody
who will publish a paper saying we've changed the data. And in this case, you have what
Andy calls a straightforward measurement of temperature. I think a few people here might
understand how it was done. What Sherwood and
Allen did was say there is a relationship
between temperature gradients in the vertical, or rather in
the horizontal, and wind shear, changes in wind in the vertical. So let us take balloon
measurements of wind, derive horizontal
gradients of temperature, and then use those to
calculate temperature changes. Christy has done this. A number of other people
have checked this. The answers come out absurd. But it gives you so much
scope in its uncertainty. And remember,
uncertainty is something Andy throws at skeptics. When you have this
much uncertainty, you can get any answer you want. And so the answer was used to
say the troposphere is actually changing much more than
the direct measurements of temperature or
radiance suggest. ANDREW DESSLER: [INAUDIBLE]
the data disagree. RICHARD LINDZEN: Who's
using weak uncertainty to muddy the waters? ANDREW DESSLER: This is a case
where the data don't agree. Data don't agree [INAUDIBLE]. RICHARD LINDZEN: I know,
but I'm saying using wind to measure temperature. I think Mike [INAUDIBLE],, and
old tropical meteorologist here, is smiling. I mean, this is an
absurd way to do it. SPEAKER 1: We can
get into that more in the question and answers
portion of the debate. Now we have Professor Cannon. JONATHAN CANNON: Is it
impossible for me to move this? Is this yours, Andy? Is this your laptop? ANDREW DESSLER:
Your presentation's not going to be on this. JONATHAN CANNON: No, no, no. But I'm going to
put my paper there. ANDREW DESSLER: Thank you. JONATHAN CANNON: Thanks, great. So this is an exciting day. [LAUGHTER] Thank you all for coming. And thanks to Professor
Lindzen and Professor Dessler for giving their informed views
and their passionate views. I mean, one thing I think
this shows is that science is an intellectual
endeavor, but when you become committed
to a point of view, it becomes a passionate
endeavor as well. And the stakes are big here. And I think there's no
surprise that people feel passionately and
think passionately on one side or the other. I also would invite
the law students to note the analogies
that have been drawn by both our scientists
to the legal process. With the proponents of
anthropogenic climate change and the need to do
something about it cast as the prosecutors,
making prosecutorial errors, and the defendants,
those that are skeptical of those claims
being cast as defendants with strong and
capable representation by folks like my
colleague, Jason. So what I'm going to do here
is outline a policy approach, assuming basically the
science AS understood by Professor Dessler. That is, the question
is, what policy should we adopt in the face of potentially
serious, but uncertain, adverse consequences from
human induced climate change? And I'm going to
give an answer that's a conventional answer, quite
current in policy circles. Certainly not a
consensus answer, but it's one that should be
familiar to most of you who are familiar with these debates. Here the science doesn't
drive the policy, of course, as both of our speakers
have made clear, but it certainly
informs the policy. And depending on which view of
the science that you accept, you would be more or less
concerned about future risks. When we talk about a policy, we
talk about several components of policy, I'll just roughly
outline those and then get into the discussion. We want, first of all, to
set some of policy goal to orient our efforts. We may set more specific
objectives under that goal. In the case of
climate change, those would be emission
budgets or something of that kind to give us a
concrete target to shoot at. We'd want to select
some instruments to use if we decided to reduce
greenhouse gas emissions. What instrument or instruments
would be the best to do that? And then we want some provision
for monitoring and following the implementation of
our policy to make sure that we were doing OK. I think the right
paradigm for making the initial decision, that is,
what our policy goals should be, is a risk
management paradigm. We try to do our best
to assess the risks, taking into account
the uncertainties as we are able to understand them. We make a judgment about what
risks we are willing to accept. And we work within
that judgment to try to establish a policy that
will limit risks to that level. Information on
costs and benefits is relevant and important
to these judgments, but I don't think, in the
case of climate change, they are determinative, or
should be determinative, because there's such a
huge range in estimates of both costs and benefits
related to various climate options. So we already know how
to do risk management. This is not an
arcane methodology. We do it when we buy insurance. We do it when we decide what
the deductible on our insurance policy should be. We do it when we decide to
drive a car rather than walk. And we do it when we decide
how fast to drive the car, particularly when
we're going up 29 and we have to assess
the risks that we'll be pulled over and fined
for driving too fast. So this is not something
that we're not used to doing. The question here is
whether the risks that are posed by continuing
climate change under a business as usual scenario are acceptable
to us, or whether they are not. And if they are not, what
should we do about it? What changes should we
make in the business as usual scenario,
which projects in increasing greenhouse
gas emissions over time? What changes should we make
to bring risks to a level where we would feel comfortable? So accepting Andy's
view of the science, I would characterize
it generally as a substantial
risk, that they are significant adverse
consequences that will flow from continued warming. And some risk of serious,
severe, and irreversible consequences that may flow
from continued warming. I think the data that Andy and
others are familiar with shows that the likelihood
of these impacts increases significantly when
you move more than 2 or 3 degrees Celsius above
pre-industrial levels. The risks become
more serious then. That's about 3.6 to
5.4 degrees Fahrenheit. That suggests the
wisdom of limiting, of adopting a policy
that would try to limit temperature increases,
increases in the Earth's temperature, to that 2 degrees,
3 degrees Celsius range, right? Some people argue we should
be even more aggressive and set a goal that limits
warming to 1 degree Celsius. I think we're right
up on 1 degree Celsius already in terms of
change that's already committed in the system. And therefore, I think
that's not particularly feasible or useful as a goal. And I don't advance that. Importantly, there are
risks on the other side. There are risks that we
will spend a lot of money pursuing such a policy. And that it will turn out, as
Professor Lindzen has said, that warming is small
or even nonexistent. And that we will have
spent money for nothing. There's also a risk
that by entering onto a program like this, we
will create severe dislocations to the economy that will cause
way more harm than we could be expecting to reduce through
reducing the risk of climate change. That suggests the
wisdom of waiting, at least until we know
more, at least until some of the uncertainties that
are clear from the debate are resolved. We assume that they
will be resolved over time because
we trust science and the progress of science. And in the meantime, we also
may develop technologies that we don't have, that
are not currently available, in order to allow us to do
reductions more cheaply than we were able to do them
now, and therefore, avoid some of the economic risks. How do you resolve this? It's a matter of judgment. In my own sense, I
think there are likely fewer risks to overreacting to
the threat of climate change than there are in underreacting. And we can frame
our policy in order to minimize the
risks of overreaction to further protect ourselves. First, dealing with the
risks of overreaction. The risks of engaging in
an overly-- what turns out to be down the road an
overly aggressive climate change policy will
likely be easier to undo than the opposing risks. Why? Because we will have
made investments in non-fossil fuel technology. If we decide those turn
out to be not necessary, we can disinvest. We can phase them out. We can reinvest
in what presumably remain the cheaper
or more efficient fossil fuel alternatives. We can also avoid serious
adverse consequences to the economy that
we don't anticipate, but that materialize over time. We can avoid those by building
into our policy checkpoints and safety valves, so
if the price of carbon, for example, goes much
higher than we anticipated with significant
threat to the economy, we can drop that price down,
or move back in other ways to avoid those serious effects. So what about the other side,
the risks of underreacting to climate change? If it turns out that we do
have serious and irreversible impacts from ongoing
climate change, those are, by
definition, irreversible. They can't be undone. And they present, at least
some of them present, very serious difficulties
and expenses in adapting. And avoiding those impacts,
if it becomes clear-- if we wait and it
becomes clear that-- yes? I have five minutes. --and
it becomes clear that we have to speed along here-- [LAUGHTER] --then it becomes--
then the issue is how quickly can we react? And because there's
such long time lags in the climate
system, if we've already put the greenhouse gases
in the atmosphere that are going to cause that,
it's very difficult, if not impossible, to correct in
response to that new knowledge, and prevent the irreversible or
serious impacts from occurring. Effectively, we will have
locked in long term impacts. So my conclusion--
I'm sure Jason will have another view
of how you balance out that, and clearly
there are other factors to take into account. But just as a rough sense of how
I think this kind of judgment would be made, and some of
the factors that go into it. So the conclusion,
my conclusion, is we should act to
reduce greenhouse gas emissions consistent with the
long term goals of limiting climate change, or limiting
warming, to the 2 or 3 degrees Celsius that I've indicated. And I think we
should begin soon. I mean, soon. I mean, within five years. Sooner than two or three
decades down the road. And why is that? Because in the absence
of a limiting policy, our emissions will
continue to increase. There will be-- the
concentrations of greenhouse gases, particularly CO2, in
the atmosphere will increase. And that increases the risks of
climate change down the road. And if we begin now,
this is a recent-- I know the National
Academy of Sciences isn't always accepted
as the gold standard, but a recent National
Academy of Sciences study showed that limiting
warming within this 2 to 3 degree target range is
feasible if we do begin now. May be feasible if
we do begin now. Likely feasible if we begin
now for the 3 degrees. But if we wait, either of those
goals becomes not feasible. We can't expect to
be able to make them on reasonable estimates of
our technological capability and development. So that commits us, again, to-- or exposes us again to
further risk of climate change if we don't start
to do something now. Now, by saying
start now, I'm not saying blow the guts
out of the economy. I'm saying, set a
price for carbon. I think that's the
appropriate instrument, either through a cap
and trade program or through a carbon tax
or a carbon emissions tax. And begin to ramp up
that price so the economy can begin to respond. And you do it in
a measured way so that you minimize the
dislocation caused by the economy. But you get on the road and
you create the institutions that are going to be there if,
over time, it becomes clearer still that the risks
are real and serious. The institutions
that you can use to further advance the policy. I have only a brief time. I'm just going to mention--
let me mention geoengineering is an option here. I think it should be
considered carefully. There's some collateral risks
that need to be considered. But I'm not committed to
reducing greenhouse gas emissions as the only way
of limiting or controlling climate change if other
useful and safe alternatives. The final thing is, of course,
the international setting, the global nature of this. Many people argue, with
force, and they're right, that this is a global issue. And that a policy
by the United States that substantially reduced
greenhouse gas emissions would not be sufficient to make
a substantial change at all in the worldwide trajectory
for greenhouse gas emissions. Is that a reason for the
United States not acting? That's a close
question to me, and I think in the minds of
at least 98 senators at one point, that
was a real question. But I mean, my view
would be, let's start. Let's make a commitment. Let's make a modest
commitment that could be followed by an
increasing commitment, and at the same time less
aggressively engage the world community, hoping that
our commitment can be some catalyst for
further developments in the international setting. But I'm also realistic enough
to know that may not happen. And if it doesn't,
we ought to adjust-- as part of our
adaptive management, we ought to adjust accordingly. Am I within time? Thanks. Thank you. [APPLAUSE] JASON JOHNSTON: Just
gonna straighten up here a little bit. I've entitled these
remarks provisional. Some provisional remarks
are an uncertainty in climate change policy. And I very much have my
economist hat on today in thinking about this problem. It's true, as Andy said,
that I have a long-- well, I don't know
if it's long, but I have a paper kicking around
in the internet entitled "A Cross Examination of Global
Warming Advocacy Science." That's a bit more
of a legal hat. But of course, it's entitled
"A Cross Examination." And you're all happy
to go and find that. You can find it right
away and Google it and get me some more downloads. [LAUGHTER] But all I tried to do in that
paper is look through the-- first learn a little bit
more about climate science, and then see if I could
ask some questions and see if there
were maybe questions to be asked of the version
of climate science presented by the IPCC. And that's all that paper does. It asks questions. Can't answer questions. Good heavens. I'm not a climate scientist. I could, at best, ask
questions that are not crazy and that are actually
reasonable and plausible. And I think I have. There's a very well-known
climate scientist at Georgia Tech,
and Professor Curry is one of the leading
people in the world studying the relationship between
global warming and hurricanes. And she is, by no
means, a skeptic. If anything, she would be one
of the establishment climate scientists. And recently on her blog
that she just started up, she thinks that maybe
something like a kind of cross examination
approach might be a way of giving
the IPCC, or restoring some of the credibility
that the IPCC has lost as a consequence
of climategate. So in any event,
on to today's talk. Why do I call it provisional? Well, because the
kind of uncertainty-- when economists think
about uncertainty, they're used to thinking
in terms of standard risk analysis, the way
actuaries do it. The probability distribution
over potential realizations of harm, PI, HI's,
and then you can figure out things
like expected harm, and figure out how
much you should spend to avert a particular
amount of expected harm. Economists have come to think
that with climate change, we can't really do that. Because we look to
the science, and it seems like what we've got
is what, in economic terms, is known as Knightian
uncertainty. We don't know the probabilities
that different things might happen. And we really don't
know the magnitudes. There are ways that
economists have tried to estimate the magnitude
of harm in the event of-- especially in the event of what? Really big, catastrophically
large temperature increases. I'll show you what
economists have done. You won't be very impressed. And you'll be probably
pretty shocked to see what the state of the art is. The state of the
art is very bad. That's what makes
this a great problem, and interesting from
my point of view. We don't know how to do this. There is no accepted
economic framework for dealing with what we call
Knightian uncertainty, which is a situation where we don't
know the probabilities of harm. We don't know the
magnitude of harm in the event of, in particular,
certain catastrophic climate change outcomes. Catastrophic means a certain
thing an economic land. It means extremely
large losses that occur with a very low probability. Now, there are some problems
with traditional economic analysis when you
try to figure out how much to spend to avert a
potentially catastrophic loss if people have what economists
think are reasonably looking preferences. Basically, people's
preferences are such that they wouldn't spend
an infinite amount today to avert some kind
of harm tomorrow. And that seems like
reasonable preferences. Because if you spend an
infinite amount today to avert harm tomorrow,
it means you'll like terminate the
present generation to protect the future. That just doesn't make sense. It's inconsistent. If people have these reasonable
preferences which you end up with in traditional
economic analysis is to spend an infinite
price to reduce a catastrophic-- potentially
catastrophic risk, even as the probability goes to zero. Well, that can't be right. Marty Weitzman, who's an
economist up at Harvard, generated that result
in a paper relying on some work done by a truly
brilliant economist named Michael Schwarz, who's
now at Yahoo.com. And in any event,
he found this result and he gave a name to it. But everybody looks at this
and says, well, this is wrong. We've got big problems. We can't apply standard economic
analysis to this problem. So what do we do? Well, we've got to
figure this out. This is probably one of the
most interesting and important problems in economics. If we think we can use
tools of economic analysis to provide some policy
guidance, then we've got to try to figure
out this problem. What's the problem? Potentially catastrophic
loss, low probability of harm, but we don't even know
the probability of harm. We can't even really
attach numbers to the probability of harm. So I'll try to suggest
during the quick talk today, I'll talk a little bit about
what actually has happened. And there seems to
be some hope that we can get a handle on this
problem and maybe come up with some concrete
policy recommendations. So where does the probability
of catastrophic temperature increases come from? There are several papers now. I think there's five or
six in the literature. Roe and Baker got
this ball rolling. They're climate scientists at
the University of Washington. And they showed-- in a very
elegant way that economists like because it's a neat
solution You don't need a model or crank through like
a computer for this, you can just solve it-- that if you assume
a predominance of positive feedbacks
in these models, you're always going to
get the possibility, some positive probability, of
really monstrous temperature increases, bigger than like 5
degrees centigrade, 5, 8, 10, 12 degrees centigrade,
so that we couldn't even understand what the
world looked like then. Dick Lindzen had a graph
which showed you graphically what happens when you have
uncertainty over the feedbacks, and how, then, that
is going to generate because of that curve-- you might remember
that curve that went up very steeply as you
went over to the right-hand side as f approached 1. When you start to have
uncertainty and f gets big, it just blows up the potential
temperature increases. Now, do we know anything? We assume that we just don't
have that good information about the feedbacks. Here's a quote from a very
recent paper that came out in the Proceedings of the
Royal Society by, I think, a colleague of Dick's, and from
MIT and a person from Harvard. "Modelers of global climate
know that feedback effects are crucial. They observe simulation
outcomes that are skewed to high temperatures,
hence the aerosol effect that all the models
assume that cancels those. The existence of fat
tail"-- fat tails we've all heard about from what? The financial crisis. How could that have happened? Gary Gorton, who's
an economist at Yale says, there's no way
that could have happened, that all the mortgage
backed securities could have tanked at the same time. Well, it happened, OK? Even though you had no
probability attached to it, it happened. So something must
have been wrong. Well, Gary's running around
trying to explain how, well, he wasn't actually wrong. And it did happen,
but he was right. Which is hard to explain
because it happened, but he said it couldn't. In any event-- [LAUGHTER] --the point here is
this is the fat tail. The fat tail means
there's more probability in these potentially big
temperature increases than you'd think if you
just had, say, a normal-- based on other things. "The existence of
a fat tail is not an artifact of computational
general circulation model simulation that will disappear
with repeated Monte Carlo trials"-- Monte Carlo trials,
you just run the models with different parameters
and see what happens-- "but rather an
inherent consequence of the presence of
positive feedback." This is a very recent paper. As they say, "PDFs,
Probability Density Functions, with fat tails present
formidable problems for conventional expected
value cost benefit analysis, because of the relatively
higher probability of high cost outcomes. And here they're talking
about Roe and Weitzman. Simple consequences
that damage functions, that is, we're trying
to estimate the damage from global warming, because
the damage from global warming is the benefit of what? Spending money to
do things today to reduce the probability of
that damage from happening. We'll have unbounded
expected value at all times. And any practical
policy designed to reduce the likelihood or
consequence of loss probability outcomes must address
not only the shape, but its evolution over time. Now, this is an
interesting question. What do we know? What are we going
to learn over time-- and hopefully we'll
learn something-- about the likelihood of these
really catastrophic outcomes? And I think the-- I'll conclude with this. I think the optimal
policy, I think these guys are right that
the optimal policy has to take into account
our learning over time about the probability of
these catastrophic outcomes. Well, what have
economists been doing? We don't really know
the harm from any-- we don't have very
much information about the expected social cost
of any change in temperature, let alone a catastrophic
one of 8 or 9 or 10 degrees centigrade. Nordhaus is pretty much
the state of the art here. He's been doing this
since, well, since long before this book came out. So since the mid-'70s. That's 35 years. He's a careful economist. He builds models that try to
take into account how markets really will respond to different
changes in the environment, and the policies that
people interact in. Economists, though,
can't predict very well anything that's relevant
to this problem. That's the bad news. Example, you think
one thing economists predict is how people
adapt to changing prices. Well, back in 1979, Nordhaus did
a book, really state of the art in terms of energy economics
and predicted changes. He was trying to predict
how the demand for energy would respond to price
changes, which is a pretty basic economic question. Well, I've got up here
on the screen, what? The efficient forecast,
the market forecast, those are two forecasts that
Nordhaus generated. One assuming the
market was efficient, one assuming the market
just was as it was. And then over on the
right-hand column, these are 1979 forecasts, are
the actual oil consumption. So what did he forecast? 1985, 101.4 quadrillion
BTUs would be consumed. That was the efficient
forecast, 86.6. The point is, compare for both
years, 1985 and 1995, which were his projections, the
projected demand under both the efficient forecast scenario
and the market forecast scenario with the
actual consumption. The actual consumption was
much, much lower than both. Why? He tried to figure out and
use actual demand and supply elasticities in the
relevant markets. But what economists
cannot predict, even in the short
to medium term, is how people will
adapt to changing-- to large price changes. For the same reason,
economists cannot predict what? How we would adapt to
large changes in climate. Now, this cuts both ways. You could say, well hey, we
could have a pretty high carbon tax and people
might adapt to that in ways that minimize
the cost, the total cost, of actually reducing and
decarbonizing the economy. That's possible. But a corollary
consequences is you also can't predict very
well how people would respond to a completely
different climate, a much warmer climate. Take, again, Nordhaus. Nordhaus's model, it's
called the DICE Model. It's probably pretty
much the state of the art in trying to think
about the economic consequences of global warming. Where do his numbers come from? Numbers for what? Numbers for the economic
consequences of global warming. What's it going to
cost, and therefore, what should we spend today
to try to prevent it? Here's what he says. "If necessary, use subjective
or judgmental probabilities and analyses of
climate change, that is, not real frequentist
probabilities," because there aren't
any, of course, historical observations,
or limited historical observations. We can't estimate the economic
impact of a 3 degree rise in global temperature
from historical data, because nothing resembling
this kind of global change has occurred. What do researchers rely on? A variety of
techniques, including personal judgments,
betting markets, and surveys of experts. As recently as
1995, virtually all of the economic numbers
for the costs and benefits of climate change were based
on surveys of economists. So what do we get? He went out and surveyed
people and said, what do you think the probability is
of a catastrophic change in temperature that would cause
a 30% decline in global GDP forever? That's ramping us back at least
a better part of a century in terms of economic conditions. That's what he did. He did this survey. People gave him their opinions
about the likelihood of this. And then what did he do? Then he and his co-author, to
come up with the social cost of carbon, assumed-- they came up with an estimate
for the global damages from this. In their estimate of the global
damages from a 2 point-- well, now 3.0-- degrees centigrade
warming, the total damages they estimated we're going to be
1.5% of GDP continued forever. But 1.02% of that
GDP loss, or 68% of the total that they
published in the book, which is the gold standard for
coming up with these numbers, is due to survey-based
catastrophic impact scenarios. It's based,
basically, on nothing. Nobody has any
experience with this. And if you survey a
bunch of economists and ask them what's
going to happen based on stuff they do
know about, there's enough problems with that. Let's ask a bunch
of economists what's going to happen when the
climate changes by 3 degrees centigrade, which is something
they have no knowledge of, what are they going to do? They're going to herd. They're going to try to guess
what other people are going to say, and then
you try to say what other people are going to say
so you don't look like what? Look like you're an outlier
and a crazy person or an idiot. So that's-- actually, there's
a big literature on that. [LAUGHTER] And by the way, we do
all have to remember, when the Civil War
started and Sherman was asked how long
it was going to last, he said, this is going to
be a long and bloody war that's going to last four years,
at the time when everybody in the North said, this is going
to be short and over in months. They thought Sherman was crazy. I guess he wasn't. So anyway, how can
we think about policy with this kind of
fundamental uncertainty? Here's one interesting idea
set out in this recent paper by Mahadevan and Deutche. It's possible to determine--
this is mathematically-- all the combinations of F1
flux and positive feedback that give certain probabilities
of a temperature increase below a set amount. So in other words, if you set
a threshold for the temperature increase, then you
could basically figure out all the
different parameter values, at least for flux and feedback,
to get you a probability that are consistent-- to give you a
probability below that. And then if you know the
cost of the policy options that are available to lower
either the emission rate or reduce the
feedback parameter-- I think this is an
interesting issue, because it goes to land use patterns. It goes to a lot of things
that we have control over-- change the feedback
parameter, then you could design an optimal
economic policy. Do I know if this
is true or not? I don't know if this is true. These are two climate
scientists who came up with an interesting
policy recommendation. Here's what I'd be more
concrete about and finish with. What do we know? We know that all
population projections of global population
generated by United Nations endorsed groups over the last
30 years have been wrong. They have vastly overestimated
population increases and population growth. Why have they been wrong? They have failed,
until now recently, to understand the enormously
powerful relationship between education levels,
especially educational levels of women, and population
growth rates as operates through the fertility rate. In other words, if
you want to do what? If you want-- if you really
care about future generations, if you want people to be
wealthier and healthier, and you want to see a
decrease in global population by 2100, which is now seriously
talked about by demographers, what do you do? You spend your money
today to educate women in developing countries. It's not real complicated. You generally increase
education levels. But it also is consistent with
governance structures that treat women and men
equally, and of course, in the world today, that
is certainly not true that every governance
structure would-- that every kind of
political system that we have in existence
today would even come close to agreeing
with that goal. So what do you do? You spend money
today to maximize, I think, economic growth, to
especially increase developing countries by increasing
educational levels, and you try to minimize
vulnerability to climate change no matter what the
cause of climate change. Anthropogenic or
non-anthropogenic. And there's things we can
do that really would have concrete impact in
minimizing vulnerability to climate change, especially
in developing countries, but also in the United
States and other development. So that's it. [APPLAUSE]